HCJ 7052/03

Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel and others

v

1.     Minister of Interior

2.     Attorney-General

3.     Jewish Majority in Israel

4.     Victims of Arab Terror

5.     Shifra Hoffman

HCJ 7102/03

MK Zahava Gal-On and others

v

Attorney-General and others

HCJ 7642/03

Shama Mahmud Musa and another

v

Minister of Interior and others

HCJ 7643/03

Ibrahim Alyon others

v

Minister of Interior and others

HCJ 8099/03

Association for Civil Rights in Israel

v

Minister of Interior and others

HCJ 8263/03

Rami Mohammed Askafi and others

v

Minister of Interior and others


HCJ 10650/03

Mirfat Taysir Abed Al Hamid and others

v

Minister of Interior and others

 

 

The Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

[14 May 2006]

Before President A. Barak, Vice-President Emeritus M. Cheshin
and Justices D. Beinisch, E. Rivlin, A. Procaccia, E.E. Levy, A. Grunis,
M. Naor, S. Joubran, E. Hayut, Y. Adiel

 

Petition to the Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice

 

Facts: Since September 2000, Palestinians have mounted a barrage of terror attacks on the State of Israel and its citizens and residents. The intensity of these attacks led the government to adopt various measures to protect the security and safety of Israeli citizens and residents. Because some of the terror attacks were perpetrated with the assistance of persons who were originally Palestinians living in the occupied territories and had received permission to live in Israel within the framework of family reunifications, the government decided in 2002 to stop giving permits to Palestinians from the occupied territories to live in Israel. This decision was subsequently passed by the Knesset into legislation in the form of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003 (‘the law’); the law was valid for one year and was extended several times.

Petitions were filed in the High Court of Justice against the constitutionality of the law. In the course of the legal proceedings, the Knesset amended the law and introduced various concessions. These mainly allowed Palestinians from the occupied territories to apply to live in Israel within the framework of family reunifications, if the applicant was under the age of 14 or over the age of 35 (for a man) or 25 (for a woman).

The main question raised by the petitions is whether a constitutional right has been violated by the law, which, even in its amended, more lenient form, contains a blanket prohibition against allowing Palestinians between the ages of 14 and 35 (for a man) or 25 (for a woman) from entering Israel for the purposes of family reunifications.

The court was therefore called upon to consider whether the blanket prohibition of family reunifications (with Palestinians of certain ages) violates constitutional rights, and if it did, whether the violation of those rights satisfies the conditions of the limitations clause in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, and was therefore constitutional. The blanket prohibition in the law was considered with reference to the position that prevailed before the law was enacted, whereby applications of Palestinians to live in Israel were considered on an individual basis, with a view to whether the applicant presented a risk to the security and safety of the Israeli public.

 

Held: (Minority opinion — President Barak, Justices Beinisch, Joubran, Hayut, Procaccia) The law violates two constitutional basic rights. It violates the right to family life, which is a derivative of human dignity, since the right to family life means the right of an Israeli citizen or resident to live with his family in Israel. The law also violates the right to equality, since only Israeli Arabs marry Palestinians from the occupied territories and therefore the only persons harmed by the law de facto are Israeli Arabs. These violations of constitutional rights lead to the law being unconstitutional, since the law does not satisfy the last condition of the limitations clause in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, namely that the violation of the constitutional rights should not be excessive. The blanket prohibition in the law against all Palestinians between certain ages provides somewhat more security than the system of individual checks, but it increases the violation of constitutional rights considerably. In view of the small increase of security and the large increase in the violation of rights, the law is disproportionate in adopting a blanket prohibition rather than a system of individual checks. It is unconstitutional and therefore void.

(Majority opinion — Vice-President Cheshin, Justices Grunis, Naor) Like other countries around the world, Israel does not recognize a constitutional right that a person may have foreign members of his family immigrate to Israel. Such a right exists only to the extent that statute grants it. Therefore the law does not violate a constitutional right to human dignity. The law also does not violate the constitutional right to equality. The fact that the Palestinian Authority is de facto waging a war or quasi-war against Israel makes the residents of the territories enemy nationals. The law, in prohibiting family reunifications with enemy nationals, makes a permitted distinction between family reunifications with persons who are not enemy nationals, and family reunifications with persons who are enemy nationals. This is a permitted distinction in view of the current circumstances, and therefore the law is not discriminatory. The law was therefore constitutional. Nonetheless, the state should consider adding to the law a provision allowing exceptions in special humanitarian cases.

(Majority opinion — Justice Adiel) The law violates the constitutional right to family life which is a part of human dignity, but not the constitutional right to equality. Notwithstanding, in view of the bloody conflict between the Palestinians and Israel, the violation of the constitutional right is proportionate. Therefore the law is constitutional.

(Majority opinion — Justice Rivlin) There is no need to consider the petitions since the law is about to expire and it cannot be known in what format, if at all, the Knesset will re-enact it. The question is therefore moot. Subject to this, the law does violate a constitutional right to family life. However, the conflicting national security interest is really, in this case, made up of the rights of all the individual members of the public to life and security. In view of this, the law satisfies the proportionality test, and is therefore constitutional.

(Majority opinion — Justice Levy) The law violates both the right to family life and the right to equality. With regard to the conditions of the limitations clause, the main problem lies in the requirement that the law should adopt the least harmful measure. The blanket prohibition will have to be replaced by an individual check of each applicant for family reunification. In this check, in view of the clear hostility of the Palestinian Authority, applicants should be regarded to have a presumption of dangerousness, which they must rebut. The applicant should not be present illegally in Israel while the application is pending and he should be required to declare his loyalty to the state of Israel. Notwithstanding, since declaring the law void would create a void in security arrangements, the law should be allowed to stand, but if changes are not made, the law will be unlikely to satisfy judicial scrutiny in the future.

 

Petition denied, by majority opinion (Vice-President Cheshin and Justices Rivlin, Levy, Grunis, Naor and Adiel), President Barak and Justices Beinisch, Procaccia, Joubran and Hayut dissenting.

 

Legislation cited:

Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, ss. 1, 1A, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6(a), 7(a), 8, 12.

Basic Law: the Government, ss. 50, 50(d).

Basic Law: the Knesset, s. 38.

Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003, ss. 2, 3, 3A, 3A(1), 3A(2), 3B, 3B(2), 3B(3), 3D, 3E, 4, 5.

Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5764-2004.

Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5765-2005.

Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order (no. 2), 5765-2005.

Citizenship Law, 5712-1952, ss. 4, 4A(1), 4A(2), 5(a), 7.

Entry into Israel Regulations, 5734-1974, r. 12.

Law of Return, 5710-1950, ss. 2(b)(3), 4A.

Prevention of Terror Ordinance, 5708-1948.

Providing Information on the Effect of Legislation on Children’s Rights Law, 5762-2002.

 

Israeli Supreme Court cases cited:

[1]     HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2002] IsrSC 56(6) 352; [2002-3] IsrLR 83.

[2]     HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 807; [2004] IsrLR 264.

[3]        HCJ 3239/02 Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [2003] IsrSC 57(2) 349; [2002-3] IsrLR 173.

[4]     HCJ 3278/02 Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander in West Bank [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 385; [2002-3] IsrLR 123.

[5]        HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [2005] (2) IsrLR 106.

[6]     HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 481.

[7]     CA  6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [1995] IsrSC 49(4) 221.

[8]     HCJ 1715/97 Israel Investment Managers Association v. Minister of Finance [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 367.

[9]     HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [1999] IsrSC 53(5) 241; [1998-9] IsrLR 635.

[10]   HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 640.

[11]   HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 235.

[12]   HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 503.

[13]   HCJ 2334/02 Stanger v. Knesset Speaker [2004] IsrSC 58(1) 786.

[14]   HCJ 5026/04 Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [2005] (1) IsrLR 340.

[15]   CrimApp 5934/05 Malka v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 833.

[16]   HCJ 316/03 Bakri v. Israel Film Council [2003] IsrSC 58(1) 249; [2002-3] IsrLR 487.

[17]   CA 238/53 Cohen v. Attorney-General [1954] IsrSC 8 4; IsrSJ 2 239.

[18]   CA 337/62 Riezenfeld v. Jacobson [1963] IsrSC 17(2) 1009; IsrSJ 5 96.

[19]   CA 488/77 A v. Attorney-General [1978] IsrSC 32(3) 421.

[20]   HCJ 693/91 Efrat v. Director of Population Registry, Ministry of Interior [1993] IsrSC 47(1) 749.

[21]   LFA 377/05 A v. Biological Parents (not yet reported).

[22]   LCA 3009/02 A v. B [2002] IsrSC 56(4) 872.

[23]   CFH 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [1996] IsrSC 50(1) 48.

[24]   HCJ 3648/97 Stamka v. Minister of Interior [1999] IsrSC 53(2) 728.

[25]   AAA 4614/05 State of Israel v. Oren (not yet reported).

[26]   LCA 4575/00 A v. B [2001] IsrSC 55(2) 321.

[27]   HCJ 98/69 Bergman v. Minister of Finance [1969] IsrSC 23(1) 693; IsrSJ 8 13.

[28]   HCJ 114/79 Burkan v. Minister of Finance [1978] IsrSC 32(2) 800.

[29]   HCJ 4112/99 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Tel-Aviv Municipality [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 393.

[30]   HCJ 10026/01 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Prime Minister [2003] IsrSC 57(3) 31.

[31]   HCJ 7111/95 Local Government Centre v. Knesset [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 485.

[32]   HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 309.

[33]   HCJ 104/87 Nevo v. National Labour Court [1990] IsrSC 44(4) 749; IsrSJ 10 136.

[34]   HCJ 2618/00 Parot Co. Ltd v. Minister of Health [2001] IsrSC 55(5) 49.

[35]   HCJ 2671/98 Israel Women’s Network v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [1998] IsrSC 52(3) 630.

[36]   HCJ 392/72 Berger v. Haifa District Planning and Building Committee [1973] IsrSC 27(2) 764.

[37]   HCJ 328/88 Avitan v. Israel Land Administration [1989] IsrSC 43(4) 297.

[38]   HCJ 6698/95 Kadan v. Israel Land Administration [2000] IsrSC 54(1) 258.

[39]   HCJ 1113/99 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Religious Affairs [2000] IsrSC 54(2) 164.

[40]   HCJ 6924/93 Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Government of Israel [2001] IsrSC 55(5) 15.

[41]   HCJ 11163/03 Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister [2006] (1) IsrLR 105.

[42]   HCJ 122/54 Axel v. Mayor, Council Members and Residents of the Netanya Area [1954] IsrSC 8 1524.

[43]   HCJ 200/57 Bernstein v. Bet-Shemesh Local Council [1958] IsrSC 12 264.

[44]   HCJ 337/81 Miterani v. Minister of Transport [1983] IsrSC 37(3) 337.

[45]   CA 333/85 Aviel v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [1991] IsrSC 45(4) 581.

[46]   CA 524/88 Pri HaEmek Agricultural Cooperative Society Ltd v. Sedei Yaakov Workers Settlement Ltd [1991] IsrSC 45(4) 529.

[47]   CA 2781/93 Daaka v. Carmel Hospital [1999] IsrSC 53(4) 526; [1998‑9] IsrLR 409.

[48]   LCA 4905/98 Gamzu v. Yeshayahu [2001] IsrSC 55(3) 360.

[49]   HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of Finance [2005] (2) IsrLR 335.

[50]   CA 7155/96 A v. Attorney-General [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 160.

[51]   HCJ 6427/02 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset (not yet reported).

[52]   HCJ 5688/92 Wechselbaum v. Minister of Defence [1993] IsrSC 47(2) 812.

[53]   HCJ 4330/93 Ganem v. Tel-Aviv District Committee, Bar Association [1996] IsrSC 50(4) 221.

[54]   HCJ 205/94 Nof v. Ministry of Defence [1996] IsrSC 50(5) 449; [1997] IsrLR 1.

[55]   HCJ 7357/95 Barki Feta Humphries (Israel) Ltd v. State of Israel [1996] IsrSC 50(2) 769.

[56]   CA 5942/92 A v. B [1994] IsrSC 48(3) 837.

[57]   HCJ 3512/04 Shezifi v. National Labour Court (not yet reported).

[58]   CA 232/85 A v. Attorney-General [1986] IsrSC 40(1) 1.

[59]   CA 5587/93 Nahmani v. Nahmani [1993] IsrSC 49(1) 485; [1995-6] IsrLR 1.

[60]   CFH 6041/02 A v. B [2004] IsrSC 58(6) 246.

[61]   CA 2266/93 A v. B [1995] IsrSC 49(1) 221.

[62]   HCJ 5394/92 Hoppert v. Yad VaShem Holocaust Martyrs and Heroes Memorial Authority [1994] IsrSC 48(3) 353.

[63]   CA 105/92 Re’em Contracting Engineers Ltd v. Upper Nazareth Municipality [1993] IsrSC 47(5) 189.

[64]   HCJ 726/94 Klal Insurance Co. Ltd v. Minister of Finance [1994] IsrSC 48(5) 441.

[65]   HCJ 721/94 El-Al Israel Airlines Ltd v. Danielowitz [1994] IsrSC 48(5) 749; [1992-4] IsrLR 478.

[66]   HCJ 453/94 Israel Women’s Network v. Government of Israel [1994] IsrSC 48(5) 501; [1992-4] IsrLR 425.

[67]   HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defence [1995] IsrSC 49(4) 94; [1995-6] IsrLR 178.

[68]   HCJ 4806/94 D.S.A. Environmental Quality Ltd v. Minister of Finance [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 193.

[69]   HCJ 1074/93 Attorney-General v. National Labour Court [1995] IsrSC 49(2) 485; [1995-6] IsrLR 149.

[70]   HCJ 678/88 Kefar Veradim v. Minister of Finance [1989] IsrSC 43(2) 501.

[71]   FH 10/69 Boronovski v. Chief Rabbis [1971] IsrSC 25(1) 7.

[72]   HCJ 246/81 Derech Eretz Association v. Broadcasting Authority [1981] IsrSC 35(4) 1; IsrSJ 8 21.

[73]   HCJ 6051/95 Recanat v. National Labour Court [1997] IsrSC 51(3) 289.

[74]   HCJ 1703/92 C.A.L. Freight Airlines Ltd v. Prime Minister [1998] IsrSC 52(4) 193.

[75]   HCJ 1000/92 Bavli v. Great Rabbinical Court [1994] IsrSC 48(2) 221.

[76]   HCJ 2597/99 Rodriguez-Tushbeim v. Minister of Interior [2005] IsrSC 58(5) 412; [2005] (1) IsrLR 268.

[77]   HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 57.

[78]   EA 92/03 Mofaz v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset [2003] IsrSC 57(3) 793.

[79]   LCA 9041/05 Imrei Hayyim Registered Society v. Wiesel (decision of 30 January 2006, not yet reported).

[80]   HCJ 9333/03 Kaniel v. Government of Israel (not yet reported).

[81]   LCA 3145/99 Bank Leumi of Israel Ltd v. Hazan [2003] IsrSC 57(5) 385.

[82]   HCJ 4676/94 Meatreal Ltd v. Knesset [1994] IsrSC 50(5) 15.

[83]   HCJ 212/03 Herut National Movement v. Chairman of Central Elections Committee [2003] IsrSC 57(1) 750.

[84]   HCJ 1384/98 Avni v. Prime Minister [1998] IsrSC 52(5) 206.

[85]   HCJ 164/97 Conterm Ltd v. Minister of Finance [1998] IsrSC 52(1) 289; [1998-9] IsrLR 1.

[86]   HCJ 5627/02 Saif v. Government Press Office [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 70; [2004] IsrLR 191.

[87]   EA 2/84 Neiman v. Chairman of Elections Committee for Eleventh Knesset [1985] IsrSC 39(2) 225; IsrSJ 8 83.

[88]   CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence [2000] IsrSC 54(1) 721.

[89]   HCJ 5016/96 Horev v. Minister of Transport [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 1; [1997] IsrLR 149.

[90]   HCJ 4140/95 Superpharm (Israel) Ltd v. Director of Customs and VAT [2000] IsrSC 54(1) 49.

[91]   HCJ 3477/95 Ben-Atiya v. Minister of Education, Culture and Sport [1995] IsrSC 49(5) 1.

[92]   HCJ 6226/01 Indor v. Mayor of Jerusalem [2003] IsrSC 57(2) 157.

[93]   HCJ 490/97 Tenufa Manpower Services and Holdings Ltd v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 433.

[94]   HCJ 6778/97 Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Minister of Public Security [2004] IsrSC 58(2) 358; [2004] IsrLR 1.

[95]   HCJ 278/73 Horeh v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [1974] IsrSC 28(1) 271.

[96]   HCJ 6249/96 Israel Contractors and Builders Federation v. Sasson [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 42.

[97]   HCJ 552/04 Guzman v. State of Israel, TakSC 2005(3) 4.

[98]   HCJ 6268/00 Kibbutz HaHoterim Agricultural Cooperative Society v. Israel Land Administration [2001] IsrSC 55(5) 640.

[99]   HCJ 6893/05 Levy v. Government of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 876.

[100] AAA 4436/02 Tishim Kadurim Restaurant, Members’ Club v. Haifa Municipality [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 782.

[101] EA 1/65 Yardor v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixth Knesset [1965] IsrSC 19(3) 365.

[102] HCJ 5100/94 Public Committee Against Torture v. Government of Israel [1999] IsrSC 53(4) 817; [1998-9] IsrLR 567.

[103] HCJ 13/86 Shahin v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1987] IsrSC 41(1) 197.

[104] HCJ 9098/01 Ganis v. Ministry of Building and Housing [2005] IsrSC 59(4) 241; [2004] IsrLR 505.

[105] HCJ 806/88 Universal City Studios Inc. v. Film and Play Review Board [1989] IsrSC 43(2) 22; IsrSJ 10 229.

[106] CrimA 2831/95 Alba v. State of Israel [1996] IsrSC 50(5) 221.

[107] CrimA 4424/98 Silgado v. State of Israel [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 529.

[108] HCJ 8172/02 Ibrahim v. IDF Commander in West Bank (not yet reported).

[109] HCJ 4764/04 Physicians for Human Rights v. IDF Commander in Gaza [2004] IsrSC 58(5) 385; [2004] IsrLR 200.

[110] HCJ 1730/96 Sabiah v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1996] IsrSC 50(1) 353.

[111] HCJ 482/71 Clark v. Minister of Interior [1973] IsrSC 27(1) 113.

[112] HCJ 754/83 Rankin v. Minister of Interior [1984] IsrSC 38(4) 113.

[113] HCJ 4156/01 Dimitrov v. Minister of Interior [2002] IsrSC 56(6) 289.

[114] HCJ 2527/03 Assid v. Minister of Interior [2004] IsrSC 58(1) 139.

[115] HCJ 758/88 Kendall v. Minister of Interior [1992] IsrSC 46(4) 505.

[116] HCJ 1689/94 Harari v. Minister of Interior [1997] IsrSC 51(1) 15.

[117] HCJ 9778/04 Alwan v. State of Israel (not yet reported).

[118] HCJ 282/88 Awad v. Prime Minister [1988] IsrSC 42(2) 424.

[119] HCJ 100/85 Ben-Israel v. State of Israel [1985] IsrSC 39(2) 45.

[120] HCJ 740/87 Bentley v. Minister of Interior [1990] IsrSC 44(1) 443.

[121] HCJ 576/97 Scharf v. Minister of the Interior (not yet reported).

[122] HCJFH 8916/02 Dimitrov v. Minister of Interior (unreported).

[123] HCJ 6708/04 Badar v. Minister of Interior (not yet reported).

[124] HCJ 8986/04 Riash v. Minister of Interior (not yet reported).

[125] HCJ 8030/03 Samuilov v. Minister of Interior (not yet reported).

[126] HCJ 3403/97 Ankin v. Minister of Interior [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 522.

[127] CFH 7325/95 Yediot Aharonot Ltd v. Kraus [1998] IsrSC 52(3) 1.

[128] HCJ 24/01 Ressler v. Knesset [2002] IsrSC 56(2) 699.

[129] HCJ 4370/01 Lipka v. Minister of Interior [2003] IsrSC 57(4) 920.

[130] HCJ 1031/93 Pesaro (Goldstein) v. Minister of Interior [1995] IsrSC 49(4) 661.

[131] LCrimA 8472/01 Maharshak v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(1) 442.

[132] HCJ 2208/02 Salama v. Minister of Interior [2002] IsrSC 56(5) 950.

[133] AAA 9993/03 Hamdan v. Government of Israel (not yet reported).

[134] HCJ 2455/95 Dragma v. Minister of Interior (unreported).

[135] HCJ 7206/96 Mansour v. Minister of Interior (unreported).

[136] HCJ 1227/98 Malevsky v. Minister of Interior [1998] IsrSC 52(4) 690.

[137] HCJ 442/71 Lansky v. Minister of Interior [1972] IsrSC 26(2) 337.

[138] HCJ 7061/05 A v. Minister of Interior (not yet reported).

[139] HCJ 5304/02 Israel Victims of Work Accidents and Widows of Victims of Work Accidents Association v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(2) 135.

[140] HCJ 6845/00 Niv v. National Labour Court [2002] IsrSC 56(6) 663.

[141] HCJ 6971/98 Paritzky v. Government of Israel [1999] IsrSC 53(1) 763.

[142] HCJ 4915/00 Communications and Productions Network Co. (1992) Ltd v. Government of Israel [2000] IsrSC 54(5) 451.

[143] HCJ 450/97 Tenufa Manpower and Maintenance Services Ltd v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [1998] IsrSC 52(2) 433.

[144] CrimA 3439/04 Bazak (Bouzaglo) v. Attorney-General (not yet reported).

[145] CA 621/69 Nissim v. Euster [1970] IsrSC 24(1) 617.

[146] CA 79/83 Attorney-General v. Shukran [1985] IsrSC 39(2) 690.

[147] CA 6434/00 Danino v. Mena [2002] IsrSC 56(3) 683.

[148] CA 3798/94 A v. B [1996] IsrSC 50(3) 133; [1995-6] IsrLR 243.

[149] CA 6106/92 A v. Attorney-General [1994] IsrSC 489(2) 833.

[150] CA 549/75 A v. Attorney-General [1976] IsrSC 30(1) 459.

[151] CA 1212/91 LIBI The Fund for Strengthening Israel’s Defence v. Binstock [1994] IsrSC 48(3) 705; [1992-4] IsrLR 369.

[152] EDA 11280/02 Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset v. Tibi [2003] IsrSC 57(4) 1.

[153] HCJ 9070/00 Livnat v. Chairman of Constitution, Law and Justice Committee [1991] IsrSC 55(4) 800.

[154] ADA 8607/04 Fahima v. State of Israel [2005] IsrSC 59(3) 258.

[155] HCJ 2320/98 El-Amla v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [1992] IsrSC 52(3) 346.

[156] HCJ 7862/04 Abu Dahar v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [2005] IsrSC 59(5) 368; [2005] (1) IsrLR 136.

[157] HCJ 6358/05 Vaanunu v. Home Front Commander (not yet reported).

[158] HCJ 5578/02 Manor v. Minister of Finance [2005] IsrSC 59(1) 729.

[159] CA 5604/94 Hemed v. State of Israel [2004] IsrSC 58(2) 498.

[160] HCJ 2533/97 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Government of Israel [1997] IsrSC 51(3) 46.

[161] CrimA 6696/96 Kahane v. State of Israel [1998] IsrSC 52(1) 535.

[162] LCA 6709/98 Attorney-General v. Moledet-Gesher-Tzomet List for Elections to Upper Nazareth Local Authority [1999] IsrSC 53(1) 351.

[163] HCJ 448/85 Dahar v. Minister of Interior [1986] IsrSC 40(2) 701.

[164] HCJ 428/86 Barzilai v. Government of Israel [1986] IsrSC 40(3) 505; IsrSJ 6 1.

[165] HCJ 494/03 Physicians for Human Rights v. Minister of Finance [2005] IsrSC 59(3) 322.

[166] HCJ 8093/03 Artmeyer v. Ministry of Interior (not yet reported).

[167] HCJ 4906/98 Free People Society for Freedom of Religion, Conscience, Education and Culture v. Ministry of Housing [2000] IsrSC 54(2) 503.

[168] HCJ 680/88 Schnitzer v. Chief Military Censor [1988] IsrSC 42(4) 617; IsrSJ 9 77.

[169] CrimApp 537/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel [1995] IsrSC 49(3) 355.

[170] HCJFH 4418/04 Government Press Office v. Saif (not yet reported).

[171] HCJ 258/79 Amira v. Minister of Defence [1980] IsrSC 34(1) 90.

[172] HCJ 5503/94 Segal v. Knesset Speaker [1997] IsrSC 51(4) 529.

[173] HCJ 3267/97 Rubinstein v. Minister of Defence [1998] IsrSC 52(5) 481; [1998-9] IsrLR 139.

[174] HCJ 1853/02 Navi v. Minister of Energy and National Infrastructures (unreported).

[175] HCJ 73/85 Kach Faction v. Knesset Speaker [1985] IsrSC 39(3) 141.

[176] CA 7175/98 National Insurance Institute v. Bar Finance Ltd (in liquidation) (unreported).

[177] CA 506/88 Shefer v. State of Israel [1994] IsrSC 48(1) 87; [1992-4] IsrLR 170.

[178] HCJ 4827/05 Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Minister of Interior (not yet reported).

[179] HCJ 7190/05 Lobel v. Government of Israel (not yet reported).

[180] HCJ 5432/03 SHIN, Israeli Movement for Equal Representation of Women v. Council for Cable TV and Satellite Broadcasting [2004] IsrSC 58(3) 65; [2004] IsrLR 20.

[181] HCJ 6126/94 Szenes v. Broadcasting Authority [1999] IsrSC 53(3) 817; [1998-9] IsrLR 339.

[182] HCJ 73/53 Kol HaAm Co. Ltd v. Minister of Interior [1953] IsrSC 7 871; IsrSJ 1 90.

[183] HCJ 2481/93 Dayan v. Wilk [1994] IsrSC 48(2) 456; [1992-4] IsrLR 324.

 

American cases cited:

[184]   Schenck v. United States, 249 U.S. 47 (1918).

[185]   Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944).

[186] Roberts v. United States Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609 (1984).

[187] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479 (1965).

[188] Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

[189] Lawrence v. Texas, 123 S. Ct. 2472 (2003).

[190] Fiallo v. Bell, 430 U.S. 787 (1977).

[191] Employment Div., Ore. Dept. of Human Res. v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990).

[192] Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao Do Vegetal (2006) (not yet reported, decision of 21 February 2006).

[193] Aptheker v. Secretary of State, 378 U.S. 500 (1964).

[194] Schware v. Board of Bar Examiners, 353 U.S. 232 (1957).

[195] Sugarman v. Dougall, 413 U.S. 634 (1973).

[196] Regents of Univ. of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978).

[197] City of Richmond v. Carson, 488 U.S. 469 (1989).

[198] Johnson v. City of Cincinnati, 310 F.3d 484 (2002).

[199] Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244 (2003).

[200] Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 982 (2003).

[201] Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205 (1972).

[202] Railway Express Agency v. New York, 336 U.S. 106 (1949).

[203] Knauff v. Shaughnessy, 338 U.S. 537 (1949).

[204] Ekiu v. United States, 142 U.S. 651 (1892).

[205] Landon v. Plasencia, 459 U.S. 21 (1982).

[206] Moore v. East Cleveland, 431 U.S. 494 (1977).

[207] United States v. Carroll Towing Co., 159 F.2d 169 (1947).

[208] Kennedy v. Mendoza-Martinez, 372 U.S. 144 (1963).

[209] Ex parte Milligan, 71 U.S. 2 (1886).

[210] Rescue Army v. Municipal Court of Los Angeles, 331 U.S. 549 (1947).

[211] Ashwander v. Tennessee Valley Authority, 297 U.S. 288 (1936).

[212] Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973).

[213] Southern Pac.Terminal Co. v. Interstate Commerce Commission, 219 U.S. 498 (1911).

 

Australian cases cited:

[214] Macabenta v. Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs (1998) 90 FCR 202.

 

Canadian cases cited:

[215] R. v. Sharpe [2001] 1 S.C.R. 45.

[216] Irwin Toy Ltd. v. Quebec (Attorney General) [1989] 1 S.C.R. 927.

[217] Canadian Council of Churches v. Canada [1992] 1 S.C.R. 236.

[218] New Brunswick (Minister of Health and Community Services) v. G [1999] 3 S.C.R. 46.

[219] R. v. Keegstra [1990] 3 S.C.R 697.

[220] McKinney v. University of Guelph [1990] 3 S.C.R. 229.

[221] Libman v. Quebec (Attorney-General) [1997] 3 S.C.R. 569.

[222] RJR–MacDonald Inc. v. Canada (Attorney-General) [1995] 3 S.C.R 199.

[223] Edwards Books and Art Ltd. v. R. [1986] 2 S.C.R. 713.

 

English cases cited:

[224] Liversidge v. Anderson [1941] 3 All ER 338.

[225] R. v. Governor of Pentonville Prison [1973] 2 All ER 741.

[226] R (on the application of the Crown Prosecution Service) v. Registrar General of Births, Deaths and Marriages [2003] 1 All ER 540 (C.A.).

[227] Re Connor, an Application for Judicial Review [2004] NICA 45; [2005] NI 322 (C.A.).

[228] Secretary of State for the Home Department v. Rehman [2001] UKHL 47; [2002] 1 All ER 122.

[229] A v. Secretary of State for the Home Department [2004] UKHL 56; [2005] 2 AC 68.

 

European Court of Human Rights cases cited:

[230] Berrehab v. Netherlands (1988) 11 E.H.R.R. 322.

[231] Moustaquim v. Belgium (1991) 13 E.H.H.R. 82.

[232] Ciliz v. Netherlands (2000) 33 E.H.R.R. 623.

[233] Carpenter v. Secretary of State, ECR I-6279 (2002).

[234] Campbell v. United Kingdom (1993) 15 E.H.R.R. 137.

[235] Abdulaziz Cabales and Balkandali v. U.K. (1985) 7 E.H.R.R. 471.

[236] Ahmut v. The Netherlands, no. 21702/93 [1996] ECHR 61.

[237] Gül v. Switzerland, no. 23218/94 [1996] ECHR 5.

 

German cases cited:

[238] BVerfGE 76, 1 (1987).

[239] BVerfGE 6, 389 (1957).

[240] BVerfGE 19, 342 (1965).

 

Irish cases cited:

[241] Fajujonu v. Minister of Justice [1990] 2 IR 151.

 

South African cases cited:

[242] Dawood v. Minister of Home Affairs, CCT 35/99; 2000 (3) SA 936 (CC).

[243] Makinana v. Minister of Home Affairs, (Cape of Good Hope) Case No 339/2000, 8 February 2001, unreported).

[244] Booysen v. Minister of Home Affairs, CCT 8/01; 2001 (4) SA 485 (CC).

 

Jewish law sources cited:

[245]   Genesis 1, 27; 2, 18; 2, 24.

[246]   Ecclesiastes 3, 1; 3, 8.

 

For the petitioners in HCJ 7052/03 — H. Jabarin, O. Cohen.

For the petitioners in HCJ 7102/03 — D. Holtz-Lechner.

For the petitioners in HCJ 7642/03 and HCJ 7643/03 — Tz. Sasson.

For the petitioners in HCJ 8099/03 — D. Yakir, S. Avraham-Weiss.

For the petitioners in HCJ 8263/03 — M. Halila.

For the petitioners in HCJ 10650/03 — A. Lustigman

For the State — Y. Gnessin, D. Marks.

For Jewish Majority in Israel — Z. Ferber

 

 

JUDGMENT

 


President A. Barak

The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5753-2003, provides that the Minister of the Interior shall not grant citizenship to a resident of Judaea, Samaria or the Gaza Strip (the ‘area’ or the ‘territories’), nor shall he give him a permit to live in Israel. The law also provides that the area commander shall not give such a resident a permit to stay in Israel. This provision does not apply to Israelis who live in the territories. It has several qualifications. It prevents, inter alia, the possibility of family reunification between an Israeli Arab and his or her Arab spouse who lives in the territories (where the husband from the territories is under the age of 35 or the wife from the territories is under the age of 25). This provision also imposes restrictions on the contact between a parent who is an Israeli resident and his child who is registered in the population register in the territories. The purpose underlying these provisions is security. It is intended to prevent the realization of the danger, which has occurred in the past, that a man from the territories, who was given the possibility of living in Israel with his Israeli wife, may assist persons involved in hostile terror activity. The law is not based on any ‘demographic’ purpose of restricting the increase of the Arab population in Israel. Against this background, the question arises whether the provisions of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law unlawfully violate the right of the Israeli spouses and children. The question is not what is the right of the foreign spouses in the territories. The question is whether the provisions of the law, in so far as they apply to the reunification of families between an Israeli Arab spouse and his or her Arab spouse living in the territories, and to the contact between parents who are Israeli residents and their children registered in the territories, are constitutional. Do they violate the human dignity of the Israeli spouse or parents? Is the violation lawful? These are the questions before us.

A. The security and normative background

(1) The security background

1.    In September 2000, the second intifada broke out. An intense barrage of terror descended upon the State of Israel. Most of the terror attacks were directed against civilians. They harmed men and women, the elderly and children. Complete families lost their loved ones. The attacks were intended to harm human life. They were intended to sow fear and panic. They sought to disrupt the way of life of Israeli citizens. The terror attacks are carried out inside Israel and in the territories. They take place everywhere. They hurt people on public transport, at shopping centres and markets, at cafés and inside homes and towns. The main target of the attacks is town centres in Israel. The attacks are also directed at Israeli towns in the territories and at traffic arteries. The terror organizations make use of various methods, including suicide attacks (‘live human bombs’), car bombs, placing explosive charges, throwing Molotov cocktails and grenades and shooting firearms, mortars and rockets. Several attempts to attack strategic targets failed. From the beginning of the acts of terror until January 2006, more than 1,500 attacks were made within the State of Israel. More than one thousand Israelis lost their lives within the State of Israel. Approximately six thousand and five hundred Israelis were injured. Many of the injured were severely disabled. On the Palestinian side also the armed conflict has caused many dead and injured. The bereavement and suffering overwhelm us (for a description of this situation, see, inter alia, HCJ 7015/02 Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 358 {87}; HCJ 2056/04 Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [2]).

2.    The State of Israel took a series of steps to protect the lives of its residents. Inter alia, military operations were carried out against the terror organizations, including the ‘Protective Wall’ operation (March 2002) and the ‘Determined Path’ operation (June 2002) (see HCJ 3239/02 Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [3]; HCJ 3278/02 Centre for Defence of the Individual v. IDF Commander in West Bank [4]). It was decided to build a separation fence that would make it harder for terrorists to carry out attacks against Israelis, and would facilitate the struggle of the security forces against the terrorists (see Beit Sourik Village Council v. Government of Israel [2]; HCJ 7957/04 Marabeh v. Prime Minister of Israel [5]).

3.    Among these steps, restrictions were imposed on the entry of residents of the territories into the State of Israel, because, according to the assessment of the security establishment, the entry into Israel of residents of the territories, and their unrestricted movement within it, significantly endangers the safety and security of the citizens and residents of the State of Israel. Against this serious security reality, and in view of these security arrangements, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provisions), 5763-2003, (hereafter — ‘the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law’ or ‘the law’) was also enacted. Subject to qualifications, the law prevents residents of the territories from entering the State of Israel. Within this framework, restrictions were also imposed, inter alia, on the reunification of families where one spouse is an Arab with Israeli citizenship or a permanent resident in Israel (mainly in Jerusalem) and the other is a resident of the territories. What underlies this arrangement is the concern that allowing residents of the territories to take up residence in Israel by means of marriage and reunification of families would be abused for the purposes of the armed conflict. This concern was based, inter alia, on the actual involvement of residents of the territories, who received a status in Israel by virtue of their marriage to Israelis, in acts of terror that were perpetrated within the State of Israel. The respondents claim that twenty-six of the residents of the territories who received a status in Israel as a result of marriage were involved in terror activity. Some of these were involved in carrying out the attacks themselves. Some assisted in bringing terrorists into Israel. Some assisted in gathering intelligence about targets for attacks. This concern was also based on the future risk arising from the contacts which the residents of the territories who become residents of Israel maintain with their relations and other residents of the territories, including persons involved in terror activity. So the background that led to the enactment of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is the serious security reality that has prevailed in Israel in recent years, and the security threat to the citizens and residents of the State of Israel from the acts of terror organizations. An element of this threat is the involvement of Palestinians, who are residents of the territories and acquired a status in Israel as a result of their marriage and family reunification, in acts of terror that were committed inside the State of Israel, and the future threat deriving from these persons, according to the State. The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is intended to contend with these threats.

(2) The normative background

4.    At first, restrictions were imposed on the reunification of families by virtue of a government decision. In 2002 the government determined (decision no. 1813) a new procedure for dealing with the ‘policy of family reunifications concerning residents of the Palestinian Authority and foreigners of Palestinian origin.’ The decision (of 12 May 2002) said:

‘B. Policy concerning family reunifications

In view of the security position, and because of the ramifications of immigration processes and the residency of foreigners of Palestinian origin in Israel, including by means of family reunifications, the Ministry of the Interior, together with the relevant government ministries, shall formulate a new policy for dealing with applications for family reunifications. Until this policy is formulated and finds expression in new procedures and legislation, as necessary, the following rules shall apply:

1.            Dealing with new applications, including applications in which no decision has yet been made

a.            A resident of the Palestinian Authority — no new applications shall be accepted from residents of the Palestinian Authority for a residency status or any other status; an application that has been submitted shall not be approved, and the foreign spouse shall be required to live outside Israel until any other decision is made.

b.            Others — the application shall be considered with reference to the origin of the person concerned.

2.            Applications that are in the staged process

During the interim, a permit that was given shall be extended, subject to the absence of any other impediment. There shall be no upgrading to a higher status.’

According to this procedure, the regular treatment of applications for family reunification was stopped, in so far as residents of the Palestinian Authority were concerned. Several petitions were filed in the High Court of Justice against this procedure (see, for example, HCJ 4022/02, HCJ 4608/02, HCJ 7316/02, HCJ 7320/02). No decision was made with regard to these petitions, since while they were pending, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law was enacted.

5.    On 6 August 2003, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law was published. In essence, it enshrined government policy. The law is valid for one year. It provides that the government may, with the approval of the Knesset, extend its validity in an order, for a period that shall not exceed one year each time (s. 5). When the year ended, the law was extended for six months (until 5 February 2005: see Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5764-2004, and the decision of the Knesset on 21 July 2004). At the end of this period, the validity of the law was extended for four additional months (until 31 May 2005: Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5765-2005, and the decision of the Knesset on 31 January 2005). At the end of this period, the law was extended for three additional months (until 31 August 2005: Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order (no. 2), 5765-2005, and the decision of the Knesset on 30 May 2005). At the same time, the government prepared drafts for amendments to the law which extended the qualifications to the law’s application (see the draft law in HatZaot Hok (Draft Laws) 5765 (2004-5) no. 173, at p. 560). The amended law was published on 1 August 2005. It stated that it was valid until 31 March 2006. By virtue of s. 38 of the Basic Law: the Knesset, the validity of the law was extended for an additional three months.

6.    The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law contains five sections. It is set out below in its entirety:

‘Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003

Definitions

1.  In this law —

‘area’ — any of the following: Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza Strip;

 

‘Citizenship Law’ — the Citizenship Law, 5712-1952;

 

‘Entry into Israel Law’ — the Entry into Israel Law, 5712-1952;

 

‘area commander’ — for Judaea and Samaria — the IDF commander in Judaea and Samaria, and for the Gaza Strip — the IDF commander in the Gaza Strip or whoever is authorized by the Minister of the Interior, with the consent of the Minister of Defence;

 

‘resident of an area’ — whoever is registered in the population register of the area, and also whoever is living in the area even without being registered in the population register of the area, except for a resident of an Israeli town in an area.

Restriction on citizenship and residency in Israel

2.  As long as this law is valid, notwithstanding what is stated in any law including section 7 of the Citizenship Law, the Minister of the Interior shall not grant citizenship under the Citizenship Law to a resident of an area nor shall he give him a licence to reside in Israel under the Entry into Israel Law, and the area commander shall not give a resident as aforesaid a permit to stay in Israel under the security legislation in the area.

Permit for spouses

3.  Notwithstanding the provisions of section 2, the Minister of the Interior may, at his discretion, approve an application of a resident of the area to receive a permit to stay in Israel from the area commander —

 

(1) with regard to a male resident of an area whose age exceeds 35 years — in order to prevent his separation from his spouse who lives lawfully in Israel;

 

(2) with regard to a female resident of an area whose age exceeds 25 years — in order to prevent her separation from her spouse who lives lawfully in Israel.

Permit for children

3A. Notwithstanding the provisions of section 2, the Minister of the Interior, at his discretion, may —

 

(1) give a minor under the age of 14 years, who is a resident of an area, a licence to live in Israel in order to prevent his separation from his custodial parent who lives lawfully in Israel;

 

(2) approve an application to obtain a permit to live in Israel from the area commander for a minor under the age of 14 years, who is a resident of the area, in order to prevent his separation from his custodial parent who lives lawfully in Israel, provided that such a permit shall not be extended if the minor does not live permanently in Israel.

Additional permits

3B. Notwithstanding the provisions of section 2, the area commander may give a permit to stay in Israel for the following purposes:

 

(1) medical treatment;

 

(2) work in Israel;

 

(3) a temporary purpose, provided that the permit to stay for the aforesaid purpose shall be given for a cumulative period that does not exceed six months.

Special
permit

3C. Notwithstanding the provisions of section 2, the Minister of the Interior may grant citizenship or give a licence to live in Israel to a resident of an area, and the area commander may give a resident of an area a permit to stay in Israel, if they are persuaded that the resident of the area identifies with the State of Israel and its goals and that he or a member of his family has made a real contribution to promoting security, the economy or another important interest of the State, or that the granting of citizenship, giving the licence to live in Israel or giving the permit to stay in Israel, as applicable, are a special interest of the State; in this paragraph, ‘family member’ — spouse, parent, child.

Security impediment

3D. A permit to stay in Israel shall not be given to a resident of an area under section 3, 3A(2), 3B(2) and (3) and 4(2), if the Minister of the Interior or the area commander, as applicable, determines, in accordance with an opinion from the competent security authorities, that the resident of the area or his family member are likely to constitute a security risk to the State of Israel; in this section, ‘family member’ — spouse, parent, child, brother, sister and their spouses.

Transition provisions

4.  Notwithstanding the provisions of this law —

 

(1)    the Minister of the Interior or the area commander, as applicable, may extend the validity of a licence to live in Israel or of a permit to stay in Israel, which were held by a resident of an area prior to the commencement of this law, while taking into account, inter alia, the existence of a security impediment as stated in section 3D;

 

(2) The area commander may give a permit for a temporary stay in Israel to a resident of an area who filed an application to become a citizen under the Citizenship Law or an application for a licence to live in Israel under the Entry into Israel Law, before the first of Sivan 5762 (12 May 2002) and with regard to which, on the date of commencement of this law, no decision had been made, provided that a resident as aforesaid shall not be given citizenship, under the provisions of this paragraph, nor shall he be given a licence for temporary residency or permanent residency, under the Entry into Israel Law.

Validity

5.  This law shall remain valid until the second of Nissan 5766 (31 March 2006), but the government may, with the approval of the Knesset, extend its validity in an order, for a period that shall not exceed one year each time.’

B.    The petition and the hearing thereof

(1) The petitioners and the respondents

7.    Some of the petitioners before us are married couples to whom the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law applies. Thus the second petitioner in HCJ 7052/03 is an Arab citizen of Israel, a resident of Kefar Lakia in the Negev, who is a lawyer by profession. He became acquainted with the third petitioner, a Palestinian resident of Bethlehem, who is a social worker by profession and a university lecturer, in 2000, when they studied together at a university in Canada. After they completed their education, and when the relationship between them became stronger, they decided to marry. They became engaged on 20 February 2003, and on the same occasion they made a marriage agreement that was given validity by the Sharia Court in Jerusalem. Their application to give a status in Israel to the third petitioner (which was filed on 19 March 2003) was rejected (on the basis of government decision no. 1813). The marriage ceremony took place on 11 July 2003. For the purpose of the ceremony, the third petitioner was permitted to stay in Israel for one week only. Since then she has not been allowed to enter Israel. The fourth petitioner in HCJ 7052/03 is an Arab woman who is an Israeli citizen living in Shefaram and whose profession is teaching literature, which she does at the Sahnin Technological High School. After an acquaintance of one year, on 6 November 1999 she married the fifth petitioner, a Palestinian from Shechem, who is an electrician by profession and worked in Nazareth and whose stay in Israel was lawful. The spouses live in Shefaram and they have two daughters (the sixth and seventh petitioners). The fourth petitioner applied to the Ministry of the Interior in the area where she lives in order to obtain a residency licence for her husband. The fifth petitioner was given a temporary licence to stay in Israel. As a result of the government’s decision, the process in which the fifth petitioner was becoming a citizen was stopped, and since then he has been staying in Israel by virtue of temporary permits that are renewed from time to time, at the discretion of the Minister of the Interior. The first petitioner in HCJ 8263/03 is an Arab citizen of Israel who lives in Haifa. On 12 July 2002, he married the second petitioner, a Palestinian from the Hebron area, and they have a son. The petitioners’ application for the second petitioner to be given a status was rejected on the basis of the government’s decision, and now the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law prevents the possibility of them entering into the staged process in order to obtain a status for the second petitioner. The petitioners claim that they cannot go to live in the territories, inter alia, in view of the danger that threatens the life of the second petitioner. The first petitioner in HCJ 7082/03 is an Arab citizen of Israel, who lives in Beit Tzafafa in Jerusalem. On 21 December 2002 he married the second petitioner, a Palestinian from nearby Beit Sahour. At the beginning of 2003, their application was filed to obtain a status for the second petitioner in Israel. The application was rejected in view of the government’s decision, and subsequently the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law came into effect. The first petitioner in HCJ 10650/03 was born in Jerusalem and is a resident of the State of Israel. In 1988 she married a resident of Ramalla and went to live with him. In 2000 the petitioner returned to live in Jerusalem. The couple have seven children. The oldest of these is sixteen and the youngest is three. Four of the children were born while she was living in the territories, and they were registered in the population register there. After she returned to live in Jerusalem, she applied, in 2002, for her children to be given the status of residents. Her request was rejected in view of the government’s decision, and subsequently the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law came into effect.

8.    We therefore have before us various kinds of petitioners who are injured by the law. The petitioners with a personal interest in the clarification of the petitions are married couples, where one of the couple is an Israeli Arab and the other is a Palestinian Arab who is a resident of the territories. Some of them have children. The cases of some of the couples were not dealt with in view of the government’s decision and the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law that incorporated it into legislation. The cases of other petitioners are undergoing the staged process, but the law prevents the process from being completed and it prevents the Palestinian spouse from being given Israeli citizenship. In addition to the petitioners with a personal interest, we have many public petitioners, including Knesset members (MK Taleb El-Sana, MK Mohammed Barakeh, MK Azmi Bishara, MK Abdulmalik Dehamshe, MK Jamal Zahalka, MK Wasil Taha, MK Ahmad Tibi, MK Issam Makhoul, MK Zahava Gal-On and MK Roman Bronfman), Knesset factions (the Meretz faction), the Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel and human rights organizations (Adalah, the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, the Centre for the Defence of the Individual). The respondents are the Minister of the Interior and the attorney-general.

(2) The claims of the petitioners

9.    The petitioners claim that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is unconstitutional, since it unlawfully violates rights that are enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, on the basis of ethnic and national groupings. The petitioners claim that the law violates the right of citizens of the State who wish to be united with their spouses or their children in order to have a family life in their country. They claim that this violation breaches the right of the Arab citizens of Israel to equality, and the discrimination in this violates human dignity. The Citizenship and Entry into Israel law prevents the spouse of an Israeli citizen from becoming a citizen, if the spouse lives in the territories and is not a resident of an Israeli town there. Since the vast majority of those persons who are married to residents of the territories (who do not live in an Israeli town) are Arab citizens, it follows that the law mainly injures the Arab citizens of Israel. Therefore, this is a case of a discriminatory denial of rights, on an ethnic basis or a national basis. Against this background, the petitioners claim that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law should not be regarded as applying merely to immigration policy, but one should also focus on the injury that it causes to Israeli citizens and residents. They claim that the law besmirches a whole sector of the public with the suspicion of disloyalty to the State and classifies it as being a security risk. The petitioners claim that all of these involve a serious and mortal blow to the right of equality and the right to human dignity. The petitioners claim that the law violates additional basic rights enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Thus they claim that it violates the private life of Arab citizens who are married to residents of the territories that do not live in Israeli towns. The right to personal freedom is also violated. Furthermore, the natural right of a parent to have contact with his child and the right to build a family are violated. In all these respects, the petitioners claim that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates the provisions of international law that recognize the rights of marriage, family life and the reunification of families. In addition, the petitioners claim that the law applies retroactively to couples whose cases were pending, and so it also violates the right of due process.

10. The petitioners further claim that the violation of the basic rights that they indicate does not satisfy the limitations clause in the Basic Law, and therefore the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law should be declared void. In so far as the purpose of the law is concerned, their claim is that it is an improper one. They claim that the sections of the law have no internal logic, and this indicates that the purpose of the law is not a security purpose at all. From the provisions of the law it appears that the legislature is prepared to allow the entry of Palestinian workers into Israel, but it is not prepared to permit the entry of parents and spouses so that they may have a family life. Therefore the purpose that appears from the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is to prevent the persons who are requesting visas for family purposes from entering or staying in Israel. The petitioners point to the desire of the Ministry of the Interior, which was already apparent in 2002, to reduce the phenomenon of the reunification of families with Palestinian spouses for demographic reasons. They also deduce the demographic purpose from the chart that was presented to the government before it made its decision (on 12 May 2002), which concerned this factor, and from the remarks of those participating in the Knesset debates before the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law was enacted. In view of this, the petitioners claim that the purpose of the law is improper and does not befit the values of the State of Israel. The petitioners further claim that the severe violation caused by the law to human rights is disproportionate. According to them, it is possible to examine the security concern inherent in the Palestinian spouses on an individual basis, and there is no basis for denying the possibility of family reunification for a whole sector of the public because of the wrongdoing of individuals. This is especially the case when, from the respondents’ figures, it can be seen that the involvement of those who became citizens in terror activities, notwithstanding the severity with which this should be regarded, is very marginal. According to the petitioners, the purpose of the staged process followed by the Ministry of the Interior was, inter alia, to allay security concerns. Therefore, there is no basis for cancelling it and replacing it with a law that creates an absolute prohibition against the possibility of family reunification.

11. In addition to the substantive claims against the contents of the law, the petitioners further claim that defects occurred, according to them, in the legislative process of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law. Thus, when the draft law was considered, it was alleged that there was a security need for enacting it, in view of the increasing involvement in terror attacks on the part of Palestinians who received a status in Israel by virtue of family reunifications. But no exact data was provided about the number of the persons who received a status in Israel, how many of these were children and how many adults, and what was the extent of their involvement in terror. Moreover, the effects of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law on the rights of children were not considered, although this was required by the provisions of the Providing Information on the Effect of Legislation on Children’s Rights Law, 5762-2002. The petitioners also claim that the Internal Affairs Committee was not given an opportunity to hold a debate with regard to objections made regarding the constitutionality of the law. According to them, these defects go to the heart of the legislative process, to an extent that justifies the voidance of the law.

(3) The claims of the respondents

12. The respondents reject the claims of the petitioners. According to them, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is constitutional. They focus on the security background that led to its enactment, and its security purpose. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict underwent a change in September 2000, and the terror activity component in it increased significantly. Many Israelis lost their lives as a result of this activity. Within the context of the armed conflict between the Palestinians and Israel, the Palestinian side avails itself, in some cases, of Arab citizens of the State of Israel, and especially persons who were residents of the territories and received a status in Israel as a result of the family reunification process. To the best of the knowledge of the security authorities, since 2001, twenty-six residents of the territories who received a status in Israel as a result of family reunifications were involved in real aid and assistance to terror attacks against Israelis. In these attacks, fifty Israelis were killed and more than a hundred were injured. Therefore, the assessment of the security forces is ‘that there is a security need to prevent, at this time, the entry of residents of the territories, as such, into Israel, since the entry of residents of the territories into Israel and their free movement within the State by virtue of the receipt of Israeli documentation is likely to endanger, in a very real way, the safety and security of citizens and residents of the State’ (para. 3 of the respondents’ response of 3 November 2003). The respondents’ position is that giving a permit to stay in Israel for the purpose of permanent residence in Israel to a resident of a state or a political entity that is waging an armed conflict with Israel involves a security risk, since the loyalty and commitment of that person is to the state or the political entity that is involved in a conflict with Israel. The respondents’ position is that ‘within the context of the loyalty and commitment of that person, and his close ties to the territory where and whence the terror against the State of Israel originates, it is possible to exert pressure on someone whose family continues to live in such a place so that he will help the terror organizations, if he does not want any harm to come to his family’ (para. 13 of the state’s response dated 6 November 2005).

13. The respondents emphasize that the purpose of the law is to reduce the danger of harm to the lives of Israeli citizens and residents. It is the duty of the State to protect its citizens. It is also its right to act in self-defence. Preventing persons from the territories from entering or staying in Israel is based upon a security concern, which is not theoretical, of an almost certain risk to public security and safety. The respondents reject the claim that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law suffers from a lack of internal logic; admittedly, the law retains the possibility of allowing Palestinian workers from the territories to enter Israel, but the entry of these is restricted to periods of calm, and it is easy to supervise their stay in Israel, unlike Palestinian spouses who stay in Israel on a permanent basis. A large-scale entry of residents of the territories into Israel is dangerous. Their free movement in Israel is likely to endanger significantly the safety and security of the citizens and residents of Israel.

14. The respondents claim that the law does not violate the human rights enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. First, in so far as we are concerned with the rights of foreigners who wish to immigrate into Israel, there is no constitutional right that a foreigner may immigrate into Israel for any reason, including marriage. Moreover, our law, like the law practised around the world, recognizes a wide discretion given to the state in determining its immigration policy. As a rule, the state is not required to give reasons to a foreigner as to why it refuses to allow his entry into it. Second, the respondents are of the opinion that the law also does not violate the rights of the Israeli citizens enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Their fundamental position is that the Basic Law should be interpreted in accordance with the social consensus that prevailed at the time it was enacted. According to this consensus, the right of human dignity should be given its basic meaning that includes protection against blatant violations of human dignity — physical and emotional violations, humiliation, degradation, etc. — and there is no basis for including in it the whole scope of the right of equality or the right to family life. According to them, both constitutional history and the objective and subjective intention of the constitutive authority support this conclusion. Third, the respondents’ claim is that there is no need at all to consider the question of the circumstances in which a violation of equality will amount to a violation of the constitutional right to dignity, since the law does not violate the right to equality. The distinction that the law makes is an objective and justified distinction in the circumstances of the case, namely that a person belongs to a political entity that is in an armed conflict with the State of Israel. The respondents’ view is that improper discrimination exists only where citizens are treated differently because of an irrelevant difference (such as sex, religion, race and nationality). But the law does not make any distinctions on the basis of the characteristics of the Israeli spouses, only a distinction based on certain characteristics of the foreign spouse. Therefore, there is no basis for the claim of discrimination and the claim of a violation to the constitutional right to equality. Fourth, the respondents further claim that the law does not violate any other basic rights enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Thus, as they understand it, the right of the petitioners to freedom is not violated, since there is no violation of the right to freedom by means of imprisonment, arrest, extradition or the like. The right of privacy is also not violated, since the law denies benefits in the field of immigration only, and it does not affect the individual’s freedom to choose a spouse. In so far as the right to family life is concerned, the respondents claim that the temporary provision ‘does not prevent family life, nor does it limit the autonomy of choosing a spouse, nor does it deny the right to family life in principle, but it does not allow the realization of the right specifically in the State of Israel’ (para. 35 of the response dated 3 November 2005). If so, the law does not prevent the choice of spouse, but merely does not allow the realization of the right specifically in Israel. This realization is not protected by the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. With regard to the international conventions to which the petitioners refer, the respondents claim that these are not a part of internal Israeli law, and that even on the merits their provisions are subject to restrictions of national security. According to them, international law protects the right of a person who is staying in a country to leave it and to move freely within it, but the right of entry into the state is reserved for the citizens of the state only. Contractual international law, which concerns the protection of the family unit, does not provide an obligation on the part of the state to allow the entry of the foreign spouse into its territory for the purpose of living there. Moreover, the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty allows every person to leave Israel (s. 6(a)), but allows only a citizen to enter Israel (s. 6(b)). Against this background, the respondents claim that there is, in this case, no violation of the rights enshrined in the Basic Law.

15. Finally, the respondents claim that even if the law violates rights under the Basic Law, these violations still satisfy the requirements of the limitations clause. First, the respondents emphasize that we are dealing with temporary provisions that are of a transient nature. Second, they claim that the right to life of the persons living in the State of Israel and the interest in protecting their security is a proper purpose that befits the values of the State of Israel. The fact that the purpose of the law is to protect the right to life, which is a basic right, should affect the examination of the law in accordance with the tests of the limitations clause. Taking this into account, their third claim is that the law also satisfies the requirement of proportionality. The respondents point to the difficulty inherent in their being able to examine the cases of persons requesting a status in Israel on an individual basis. In the case of many applicants, and especially those that live in the areas of the Palestinian Authority (areas A and B), there is no security information. The fact that there is no negative security information concerning an applicant does not mean that he is not involved in activity harmful to security. In addition, even someone who has already received a permit to stay in Israel may be recruited by terror activists. The respondents are of the opinion that the provisions of the law are not retroactive. The law does not apply to requests that were filed or approved before it came into effect. In addition, the respondents refer to the transition provisions that allow the extension of the validity of a licence to live or stay in Israel. Finally, the respondents claim that the legislative process was proper and that the provisions of the law were considered carefully, and even underwent important changes in the course of the deliberations that were held with regard to it.

(4) The hearing of the petitions

16. The petitions against the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law were filed shortly after it was enacted. After we heard the arguments of the parties, an order nisi was made (on 9 November 2003). Interim orders were also made to prevent the deportation of the Palestinian petitioners staying in Israel. Other applications for interim orders, and an application for an interim order that would prevent the law from coming into effect, were denied. It was decided that the petitions would be heard before an extended panel of the court. We also decided to join as a respondent to the petitions the ‘Victims of Arab Terror’ association, which emphasized the right of Israeli citizens to a quiet and safe life. We also decided to join as a respondent the ‘Jewish Majority in Israel’ association, which emphasized the demographic consideration according to which the Jewish majority in Israel should be preserved. Before we had time to make a decision on the petitions, a year passed from the date on which the law was published, and the Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5764-2004, was published; this extended the validity of the law by an additional six months. Together with the decision to extend the validity of the law by half a year, the government adopted a decision to prepare an amendment to the law that would make changes to it, and in particular expand the qualifications to the application of the law. In view of this, we were of the opinion (in a decision on 14 December 2004) that our judgment should be given on the basis of the new normative reality that was about to be created. Before the process of amending the law was completed, the six months expired, and the Citizenship and Entry into Israel (Temporary Provision) (Extension of the Validity of the Law) Order, 5765-2005, was published; this extended the validity of the law for an additional four months, for the purpose of completing the legislative process. In view of the restricted period of the extension of the law’s validity, we decided (on 1 March 2005) that we ought to allow the legislator to complete the complex legislative process. The legislative process was completed. The amended law was published. After the amendment, we again (on 14 February 2006) heard the arguments of the parties and studied the supplementary arguments. The time has come to decide the petitions on their merits.

C.    The questions that require a decision and the methods of deciding them

(1) The questions that require a decision

17. The focus of the petitions before us is the Israeli spouse. The main question before us is whether the constitutional rights of the Israeli spouse have been violated unlawfully. The question is whether rights that were given to him in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty have been violated unlawfully. In view of the centrality of the right of the Israeli spouse and in view of my conclusion that the right of the Israeli spouse has been violated, I see no reason to consider the rights of the non-Israeli (foreign) spouse), whether under international law concerning human rights (such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 1966, and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965) or under humanitarian international law that applies to him because he lives in Judaea and Samaria, which are subject to a belligerent occupation (in this regard, see Marab v. IDF Commander in Judaea and Samaria [3] and A. Rubinstein & L. Orgad, ‘Human Rights, Security of the State and the Jewish Majority: the Case of Immigration for the Purposes of Marriage,’ 48 HaPraklit 315 (2006)). Indeed, even if the rights of the foreign spouse have been violated under international human rights law and humanitarian human rights law — and even if the rights of the Israeli spouse to the extent that they are enshrined only in those laws were violated — this violation was made by virtue of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law. Express local legislation is capable, from the internal viewpoint of Israeli law, of violating rights given in international law. No matter how much the latter constitutes customary international law, it is unable to overcome Israeli legislation that expressly violates it. This is not the case with the Israeli spouse under the Basic Law. In so far as he has rights under the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, an ordinary law (such as the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law) cannot violate it lawfully, unless it satisfies the requirements of the limitations clause. This is the clear expression of Israel’s constitutional democracy. We adopted this approach with regard to the rights of the Israelis who were compelled to leave the Gaza Strip (see HCJ 1661/05 Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6]). According to the same normative system we should examine the constitutional rights of the Israeli spouses, in so far as the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates them. Naturally, we cannot ignore the foreign spouse. We should recognize his rights and the effect of those on his life and the life of his Israeli spouse. Nonetheless, from the viewpoint of legal analysis, we will focus on the Israeli spouse, because he can call upon the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty to support his case.

(2) The constitutional scrutiny

18. According to the petitioners, the two main rights that this law violates are the right to family life and the right to equality. Their position is that these rights are enshrined in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, and they are violated in defiance of the conditions set out in the limitations clause. The scrutiny of a claim against the constitutionality of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is done in three stages (see CA 6821/93 United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7]; HCJ 1715/97 Israel Investment Managers Association v. Minister of Finance [8]; HCJ 6055/95 Tzemah v. Minister of Defence [9]; HCJ 1030/99 Oron v. Knesset Speaker [10]; HCJ 4769/95 Menahem v. Minister of Transport [11]; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6]). The first stage examines whether the law — in our case the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law — violates a human right enshrined in the Basic Law. If the answer is no, the constitutional scrutiny ends, since an ordinary law, which contains an express provision, may violate a human right that is enshrined in an earlier ordinary law or in Israeli common law (see, for example, HCJ 4128/02 Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [12]). If the answer is yes, the legal analysis passes on to the next stage. In the second stage, we examine the question whether the violation of the right satisfies the requirements of the limitations clause. Indeed, not every violation of a human right is an unlawful violation. Sometimes a law violates a constitutional human right, but the constitutionality of the law is upheld, since the violation satisfies the requirements of the limitations clause (see, for example, HCJ 2334/02 Stanger v. Knesset Speaker [13]; HCJ 5026/04 Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14]). If the violation of the constitutional arrangement is lawful, the constitutional examination ends. If the violation is unlawful, the analysis continues on to the next stage. This third stage examines the consequences of the unconstitutionality. This is the relief or remedy stage.

(3) Is there a basis for constitutional scrutiny in times of war?

19. It may be argued that the cases before us deal with the prevention of terror in a time of war. They are not usual cases of preventing family reunification. We are dealing with an exceptional case of family reunification, where the spouse or child of the person claiming his constitutional right to family reunification is situated in an area which is in a state of war with the State of Israel. In such circumstances — so the argument would continue — the ordinary laws concerning the three-stage constitutional scrutiny should not be applied. This situation falls outside the normal framework. It is a matter of existence. À la guerre comme à la guerre; the security need prevails over the right of the individual.

20. I cannot accept this argument. The Basic Laws do not recognize two sets of laws, one that applies in times of peace and the other that applies in times of war. They do not contain provisions according to which constitutional human rights recede in times of war. Thus, for example, section 50 of the Basic Law: the Government, which authorizes the government to enact emergency regulations, states expressly that ‘Emergency regulations are incapable of… permitting a violation of human dignity’ (subsection (d)). The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty further provides that ‘It is permitted to enact emergency regulations… which will contain a denial or restriction of rights under this Basic Law, provided that the denial or restriction are for a proper purpose and for a period and to a degree that are not excessive’ (s. 12). Indeed, Israeli constitutional law has a consistent approach to human rights in periods of relative calm and in periods of increased fighting. We do not recognize a clear distinction between the two. We do not have balancing laws that are unique to times of war. Naturally, human rights are not absolute. They can be restricted in times of calm and in times of war. I do not have a right to shout ‘fire’ in a theatre full of spectators (see the analogy of Justice Holmes in Schenck v. United States [184], at p. 52, which was cited in CrimApp 5934/05 Malka v. State of Israel [15], at p. 843). War is like a barrel full of explosives next to a source of fire. In times of war the likelihood that damage will occur to the public interest increases and the strength of the harm to the public interest increases, and so the restriction of the right becomes possible within the framework of existing criteria (see HCJ 316/03 Bakri v. Israel Film Council [16], at p. 283 {523-524}). Indeed, we do not have two sets of laws or balances, one for times of calm and the other for times of terror. This idea was well expressed by Lord Atkin more than sixty-five years ago, during the Second World War, in a minority opinion where he said:

‘In England amidst the clash of arms the laws are not silent. They may be changed, but they speak the same language in war as in peace. It has always been one of the pillars of freedom, one of the principles of liberty for which… we are now fighting, that the judges… stand between the subject and any attempted encroachments on his liberty by the executive, alert to see that any coercive action is justified in law’ (Liversidge v. Anderson [224], at p. 361).

21. Moreover, there is no possibility of making a clear distinction between the status of human rights in times of war and their status in times of peace. The dividing line between terror and calm is a fine one. This is the case everywhere. It is certainly the case in Israel. There is no possibility of maintaining it over time. We must treat human rights seriously both in times of war and in times of calm. We must free ourselves from the naïve belief that when terror ends we will be able to put the clock back. Indeed, if we fail in our task in times of war and terror, we will not be able to carry out our task properly in times of peace and calm. From this viewpoint, a mistake by the judiciary in a time of emergency is more serious than a mistake of the legislature and the executive in a time of emergency. The reason for this is that the mistake of the judiciary will accompany democracy even when the threat of terror has passed, and it will remain in the case law of the court as a magnet for the development of new and problematic rulings. This is not the case with mistakes by the other powers. These will be cancelled and usually no-one will remember them. This was well expressed by Justice Jackson in Korematsu v. United States [185], where he said:

‘A judicial construction of the due process clause that will sustain this order is a far more subtle blow to liberty… A military order, however unconstitutional, is not apt to last longer than the military emergency… But once a judicial opinion rationalizes such an order to show that it conforms to the Constitution, or rather rationalizes the Constitution to show that the Constitution sanctions such an order, the Court for all time has validated the principle of racial discrimination in criminal procedure and of transplanting American citizens. The principle then lies about like a loaded weapon ready for the hand of any authority that can bring forward a plausible claim of an urgent need… A military commander may overstep the bounds of constitutionality, and it is an incident. But if we review and approve, that passing incident becomes the doctrine of the Constitution. There it has a generative power of its own, and all that it creates will be in its own image’ (Korematsu v. United States [185], at p. 245).

22. Thus we see that there is only one track within which framework the petitions before us should be examined. This track is — with regard to any claim against the constitutionality of a statute — the track of the Basic Laws. Within the framework of this track, we should follow the well-trodden path of examining the constitutionality of the law. There is no parallel track; there is no alternative route. There is one path that applies at all times. It applies in times of calm. It applies in times of war.

D. Stages of the constitutional scrutiny: 1. Has a constitutional right been violated?

(1) The problems presented

23. It was argued before us that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates the right of the Israeli spouse to human dignity. This violation, so it is claimed, is two-fold: first, the right of the Israeli spouse to human dignity is violated, since his right to family life is violated; second, the right of the Israeli spouse to human dignity is violated, since his right to equality is violated. This argument presents us with three fundamental questions: first, are the right of the Israeli spouse to family life and his right to equality recognized in Israel? This question concerns the very existence of the right to family life and the right to equality. Second, are these human rights to family life and equality included within the scope of the constitutional right to human dignity, which is enshrined in sections 2 and 4 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty? This question concerns the existence of the right to family life and equality as a constitutional right, within the scope of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Third, does the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violate the constitutional right to human dignity (with respect to family life and equality) of the Israeli spouse? We will begin with the first question, by considering separately the right to family life of the Israeli spouse and his right to equality.

(2) Does Israeli law recognize the right of the Israeli spouse to family life and equality?

(a) The right of the Israeli spouse to family life

24. Is the right of a person to family life recognized in Israel? Within the context of the petitions before us, we do not need to decide all the aspects of this question. We can focus mainly on two specific aspects of family life: first, do we recognize the right of the Israeli spouse to live in Israel together with the foreign spouse? Second, do we recognize the right of the Israeli spouse to live together with his children in Israel and the right of Israeli children to live together with their parents in Israel? Other aspects of the fundamental question, including the definition of family for this purpose, can be left undecided at this time (see Y. Marin, ‘The Right to Family Life and (Civil) Marriage — International and Local Law,’ Economic, Social and Cultural Rights in Israel (Y. Rabin and Y. Shani eds. (2004) 663).

25. The right to family life, in the broad sense, is recognized in Israeli law. It is derived from many statutes, which provide arrangements whose purpose is to preserve, encourage and nurture the family unit. Spouses are given social rights, tax, accommodation and housing benefits. They enjoy rights of medical and pension insurance. They have visitation rights in hospitals and prisons. They have privileges and defences in the laws of evidence. The criminal law protects the family; spouses have rights of inheritance, maintenance and mutual support during the marriage, and rights to a division of property when the marriage ends. Although the various statutes deal with specific aspects, it is possible to deduce from them that the family unit is recognized in Israel law and protected by it. Indeed, the family unit is ‘the basic unit… “of Israeli society” ’ (per Justice S.Z. Cheshin in CA 238/53 Cohen v. Attorney-General [17], at p. 53}). ‘Human society cannot exist unless we protect with our lives its basic unit, which is the family unit’ (per Justice M. Silberg in CA 337/62 Riezenfeld v. Jacobson [18], at p. 1021 {107}). It is ‘an institution that is recognized by society as one of the basic elements of social life’ (per President Y. Olshan, ibid. [18], at p. 1030 {118}). ‘It is our main and basic duty to preserve, nurture and protect the most basic and ancient family unit in the history of mankind, which was, is and will be the element that preserves and ensures the existence of the human race, namely the natural family’ (per Justice M. Elon in CA 488/77 A v. Attorney-General [19], at p. 434). ‘Protecting the institution of the family is a part of public policy in Israel. In the context of the family unit, protecting the institution of marriage is a central social value… there is a supreme public interest in protecting this status and in regulating… the scope of rights and duties that formulate it’ (HCJ 693/91 Efrat v. Director of Population Registry, Ministry of Interior [20], at p. 783). Indeed, the family relationship, and the protection of the family and its basic elements (the spouses and their children) lie at the basis of Israeli law. The family has an essential and central purpose in the life of the individual and the life of society. Family relationships, which the law protects and which it seeks to develop, are some of the strongest and most significant in a person’s life.

26. Protection of the family unit finds special expression when the family unit includes a minor. This protection is required both by the right of the parents to raise their children, and by the rights of the child himself. Indeed, ‘the right of the parents to raise their children is a natural, basic right, whose importance can hardly be exaggerated’ (P. Shifman, Family Law in Israel, vol. 2, 1989, at p. 219). ‘The connection between a child and his parents who gave birth to him is one of the fundamentals on which human society is based’ (LFA 377/05 A v. Biological Parents [21], at para. 46). As my colleague, Justice A. Procaccia, said:

‘The depth and strength of the parental bond, which contains within it the natural right of a parent and his child to a bond of life between them, has made family autonomy a value of the highest legal status, and a violation of this is allowed only in very special and exceptional cases. Every separation of a child from a parent is a violation of a natural right’ (LCA 3009/02 A v. B [22], at pp. 894-895).

And in the words of my colleague Justice M. Cheshin:

‘It is the law of nature that a mother and father naturally have custody of their child, raise him, love him and care for his needs until he grows up and becomes a man… this bond is stronger than any other, irrespective of society, religion and country… the law of the state did not create the rights of parents vis-à-vis their children and vis-à-vis the whole world. The law of the state adopts what already existed, and seeks to protect the innate instinct within us, and it turns an “interest” of parents into a “right” under the law, namely the rights of parents to have custody of their children’ (CFH 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [23], at p. 102).

27. The right to family life is not exhausted by the right to marry and to have children. The right to family life means the right to joint family life. This is the right of the Israeli spouse to lead his family life in Israel. This right is violated if the Israeli spouse is not allowed to lead his family life in Israel with the foreign spouse. He is thereby forced to choose whether to emigrate from Israel or to sever his relationship with his spouse. This was discussed by Justice M. Cheshin in HCJ 3648/97 Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24]. In that case, the court considered the policy of the Minister of the Interior with regard to granting citizenship to a foreign spouse in Israel. Justice M. Cheshin recognized the ‘basic right of an individual — every individual — to marry and establish a family’ (at p. 782 [24]). In his opinion, Justice M. Cheshin says:

‘The State of Israel recognizes the right of the citizen to choose for himself a spouse and to establish with that spouse a family in Israel. Israel is committed to protect the family unit in accordance with international conventions… and although these conventions do not stipulate one policy or another with regard to family reunifications, Israel has recognized — and continues to recognize — its duty to provide protection to the family unit also by giving permits for family reunifications. Thus Israel has joined the most enlightened nations that recognize — subject to qualifications of national security, public safety and public welfare — the right of family members to live together in the place of their choice’ (Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24], at p. 787).

Against this background, it was held that this protection extends not only to married spouses, but also to recognized couples who are not married. My colleague Justice D. Beinisch wrote that the state recognizes:

‘… that the family unit, which is not based on a formal bond of marriage, is also worthy of protection, and the partners who comprise it should be allowed to live together and to continue to live in Israel, provided that it is a real, genuine and established relationship. This policy gives expression to the commitment of the state to the right to family life, which includes the right of the individual to choose his partner and to establish a family with him. This right is recognized in our law and is also protected in international law’ (AAA 4614/05 State of Israel v. Oren [25], at para. 11 of the opinion of Justice D. Beinisch).

Indeed, this right of the Israeli spouse to family life in Israel together with the foreign spouse finds expression in s. 7 of the Citizenship Law, 5712-1952 (hereafter — ‘the Citizenship Law’), which makes it easier for the foreign spouse to become a citizen. This right also finds expression in the discretion of the Minister of the Interior with regard to immigration to Israel. Admittedly, the right to family life in general, and the right of the Israeli spouse to realize it in Israel in particular, is not an absolute right. It can be restricted. Nonetheless, these restrictions are not capable of restricting the actual existence of the right. The right exists in Israel. It is recognized by Israeli law. It constitutes a general purpose of all legislation (see Efrat v. Director of Population Registry, Ministry of Interior [20], and thus assists in the interpretation of legislation (see Barak, ‘General Principles of Law in Interpretation of the Law,’ Weisman Book 1 (2002)). It constitutes a part of Israeli common law, from which it is possible to derive rights and duties.

28. The right to family life is also the right of the Israeli parent that his minor children will grow up with him in Israel and the right of an Israeli child to grow up in Israel together with his parents. Israeli law recognizes the importance of making the civil status of the parent equal to that of the child. Thus, s. 4 of the Citizenship Law provides that a child of an Israeli citizen shall also be an Israeli citizen, whether he is born in Israel (s. 4A(1)) or he is born outside it (s. 4A(2)). Similarly, r. 12 of the Entry into Israel Regulations, 5734-1974, provides that ‘A child who is born in Israel, to whom s. 4 of the Law of Return, 5710-1950, does not apply, shall have the same status in Israel as his parents.’ Even though this regulation does not apply, according to its wording, to children of residents who were not born in Israel, it has been held that the purpose for which r. 12 was intended applies also to the children of permanent residents who were born outside Israel. Thus, for example, it was held that:

‘As a rule, our legal system recognizes and respects the value of the integrity of the family unit and the interest of safeguarding the welfare of the child, and therefore we should prevent the creation of a difference between the status of a minor child and the status of his parent who has custody or is entitled to have custody of him’ (per Justice Beinisch in HCJ 979/99 Carlo (a minor) v. Minister of the Interior (not yet reported), at para. 2 of the opinion of Justice D. Beinisch).

Respect for the family unit has, therefore, two aspects. The first aspect is the right of the Israeli parent to raise his child in his country. This is the right of the Israeli parent to realize his parenthood in its entirety, the right to enjoy his relationship with his child and not be severed from him. This is the right to raise his child in his home, in his country. This is the right of the parent not to be compelled to emigrate from Israel, as a condition for realizing his parenthood. It is based on the autonomy and privacy of the family unit. This right is violated if we do not allow the minor child of the Israeli parent to live with him in Israel. The second aspect is the right of the child to family life. It is based on the independent recognition of the human rights of children. These rights are given in essence to every human being in as much as he is a human being, whether adult or minor. The child ‘is a human being with rights and needs of his own’ (LFA 377/05 A v. Biological Parents [21]). The child has the right to grow up in a complete and stable family unit. His welfare demands that he is not separated from his parents and that he grows up with both of them. Indeed, it is difficult to exaggerate the importance of the relationship between the child and each of his parents. The continuity and permanence of the relationship with his parents are an important element in the proper development of children. From the viewpoint of the child, separating him from one of his parents may even be regarded as abandonment and affects his emotional development. Indeed, ‘the welfare of children requires that they grow up with their father and mother within the framework of a stable and loving family unit, whereas the separation of parents involves a degree of separation between one of the parents and his children’ (LCA 4575/00 A v. B [26], at p. 331).

(b) The right of the Israeli spouse to equality

29. The right to equality constitutes an integral part of Israeli law. It is a central element of Israeli common law (see I. Zamir and M. Sobel, ‘Equality before the Law,’ 5 Mishpat uMimshal 165 (1999); F. Raday, ‘On Equality,’ 24 Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 241 (1994); A. Bendor, ‘Equality and Executive Discretion — On Constitutional Equality and Administrative Equality,’ Shamgar Book (Articles, vol. 1, 2003) 287; A. Rubinstein, ‘On Equality for Arabs in Israel,’ Paths of Government and Law: Issues in Israeli Public Law 278 (2003); A. Rubinstein and B. Medina, The Constitutional Law of the State of Israel (fifth edition, vol. 1, 1997), at p. 271). Since the establishment of the State, the Supreme Court has repeatedly held that equality is the ‘soul of the whole of our constitutional system’ (per Justice M. Landau, in HCJ 98/69 Bergman v. Minister of Finance [27], at p. 698 {17}). It is ‘a basic constitutional principle, which runs like a golden thread through our basic legal conceptions and constitutes an integral part thereof’ (Justice M. Shamgar in HCJ 114/79 Burkan v. Minister of Finance [28], at p. 806). Equality lies at the basis of social existence. It is the cornerstone of democracy (see HCJ 4112/99 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Tel-Aviv Municipality [29], at p. 415; HCJ 10026/01 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Prime Minister [30], at p. 39). A violation of equality is ‘worse than anything’ (Justice M. Cheshin in HCJ 7111/95 Local Government Centre v. Knesset [31], at p. 503). I discussed this in HCJ 953/87 Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [32]:

‘Equality is a basic value for every democratic society… The individual is integrated within the overall fabric and takes his part in building society, knowing that the others are also acting as he is. The need to ensure equality is natural to man. It is based on considerations of justice and fairness. Someone who wishes his right to be recognized must recognize the right of others to seek similar recognition. The need for equality is essential to society and to the social consensus on which it is based. Equality protects government from arbitrariness. Indeed, there is no more destructive force to society that the feeling of its members that they are treated unequally. The feeling of a lack of equality is one of the worst feelings. It undermines the forces that unite society. It harms a person’s identity’ (Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [32], at p. 332; see also HCJ 104/87 Nevo v. National Labour Court [33], at p. 760 {150}).

Indeed, ‘discrimination erodes relationships between human beings until they are destroyed. The feeling of discrimination leads people to lose their self-restraint and leads to the destruction of the fabric of inter-personal relationships’ (per Justice M. Cheshin in Local Government Centre v. Knesset [31], at p. 503).   ‘Discrimination is an evil that undermines the basis of democracy, penetrates and shakes its foundations, until it finally brings about its collapse and destruction’ (HCJ 2618/00 Parot Co. Ltd v. Minister of Health [34], at p. 52). Within this framework, religious or race discrimination is harsh and cruel; such generic discrimination inflicts a ‘mortal wound’ (per Justice M. Cheshin in HCJ 2671/98 Israel Women’s Network v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [35], at p. 658; A. Barak, ‘General Principles of Law in Interpretation of the Law,’ supra, at p. 142). It has therefore been held, in a long line of cases, that discrimination against Israeli Arabs merely because they are Arabs violates the equality that is enjoyed by all Israelis (see HCJ 392/72 Berger v. Haifa District Planning and Building Committee [36]; HCJ 328/88 Avitan v. Israel Land Administration [37]; HCJ 6698/95 Kadan v. Israel Land Administration [38]; HCJ 1113/99 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Religious Affairs [39]; HCJ 6924/93 Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Government of Israel [40]; HCJ 11163/03 Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister [41]; see also I. Zamir, ‘Equality of Rights vis-à-vis Arabs in Israel,’ 9 Mishpat uMimshal 11 (2006); A. Saban, ‘The Palestinian Arab Minority and the Supreme Court: Not a Black and White Picture (and Forecast),’ 8 Mishpat uMimshal 23 (2005)). This was well expressed by Justice I. Zamir, who said:

‘A violation of the principle of equality in the narrow sense is considered particularly serious… this is also the case with discrimination against an Arab because he is an Arab, and it makes no difference whether the discrimination is based on religion or on nationality. This is a breach of the principle of equality in the narrow sense. Therefore it is particularly serious. The principle of equality in this sense is the soul of democracy. Democracy demands not merely one vote for each person when there are elections, but also equality for every person at all times. The real test of the principle of equality lies in attitudes to a minority, whether religious, national or any other. If there is no equality for the minority, there is also no democracy for the majority… in a practical sphere, there is special significance in the State of Israel to the question of equality for Arabs. This question involves a complex relationship that has developed between Jews and Arabs in this country over a long period. Notwithstanding, or perhaps for this very reason, we need equality. Equality is essential for co-existence. The welfare of society, and, when considered properly, the welfare of each member of society, requires that the principle of equality is nurtured between Jews and Arabs. In any case, this is the requirement of law, and therefore it is the duty of the court’ (Association for Civil Rights in Israel v. Government of Israel [40], at pp. 27, 28).

(3) Is the right of the Israeli spouse to family life and equality a part of human dignity?

(a) The right to family life as a part of human dignity

30. The right to family life is a part of Israeli common law. Notwithstanding the importance of common law, a statute is capable of violating a right enshrined in common law, provided that the statute is phrased in clear, unambiguous and express language (see HCJ 122/54 Axel v. Mayor, Council Members and Residents of the Netanya Area [42], at pp. 1531-1532; HCJ 200/57 Bernstein v. Bet-Shemesh Local Council [43], at p. 268; HCJ 337/81 Miterani v. Minister of Transport [44], at p. 359; CA 333/85 Aviel v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [45], at p. 596; CA 524/88 Pri HaEmek Agricultural Cooperative Society Ltd v. Sedei Yaakov Workers Settlement Ltd [46], at p. 561). The Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is phrased in clear, unambiguous and express language. Constitutional review of its clear, unambiguous and express provisions is possible only if the right to family life is protected in a Basic Law. The relevant Basic Law for our purposes is the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Is the right to family life enshrined and protected in it?

31. The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty does not contain an express provision with regard to the right to family life. The question is whether it is possible to include this right within the framework of the right to human dignity. Is the right to family life a ‘right without a name’ that is derived from the right to dignity (see H. Sumer, ‘Unmentioned Rights — On the Scope of the Constitutional Revolution,’ 28 Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 257 (1997))? Note that the question is not whether in addition to the rights set out in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty it is possible to include additional human rights that are not expressly stated in it. The question is whether within the framework of the rights stated expressly in the Basic Law — in our case, within the framework of the right to human dignity — there is also included an aspect of human dignity which concerns family life. Indeed, the question is not whether there is a ‘lacuna’ in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty with regard to the right to family life, and whether it is possible to fill this lacuna. The question is whether the interpretation of the right to human dignity leads to a conclusion that within the framework of this express right there is also included the aspect of the autonomy of individual will that is directed towards having a family life and realizing it in Israel. Indeed, the right to human dignity is, by nature, a ‘framework’ or ‘general’ right. The nature of such a right is that, according to its wording, it does not give explicit details of the particular types of activity to which it applies. It is open-ended (see A. Barak, Legal Interpretation: Constitutional Interpretation (1994), at p. 357; CA 2781/93 Daaka v. Carmel Hospital [47], at p. 577 {463}). The situations to which it applies are derived from the interpretation of the open language of the Basic Law against the background of its purpose. These situations can be classified, for convenience, into categories and types, such as the right to a dignified human existence (see LCA 4905/98 Gamzu v. Yeshayahu [48]; HCJ 366/03 Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of Finance [49]); the right to physical and emotional integrity (Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [12], at p. 59); the right to a name (Efrat v. Director of Population Registry, Ministry of Interior [20]); the right of an adult to be adopted (CA 7155/96 A v. Attorney-General [50]), and similar ‘specific’ rights that are derived from the general right. In constitutional literature they are called derivative constitutional rights norms (see R. Alexy, A Theory of Constitutional Law (2002), at p. 35). Naturally the scope of application of the derivative rights raises difficult questions of interpretation. As long as they have not been separated by the Knesset from human dignity and stated independently, there is no alternative to interpretational activity that focuses on human dignity and seeks to determine the scope of this right, while attempting to formulate the types of cases included in it. Naturally, this categorization will never reflect the full scope of the right to human dignity, nor does it intend to do so. It is intended to assist in understanding the framework provision concerning human dignity (see Y. Karp, ‘Several Questions on Human Dignity under the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty,’ 25 Hebrew Univ. L. Rev. (Mishpatim) 129 (1995); Sumer, ‘Unmentioned Rights — On the Scope of the Constitutional Revolution,’ supra; H.H. Cohn, ‘The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State: Studies in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty,’ HaPraklit Jubilee Book 9 (1994); D. Statman, ‘Two Concepts of Dignity,’ 24 Tel-Aviv University Law Review (Iyyunei Mishpat) 541 (2001); O. Kamir, Question of Dignity (2005). We discussed the scope of the right to human dignity in HCJ 6427/02 Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51]:

‘The right to human dignity constitutes a collection of rights which must be safeguarded in order to uphold the right of dignity. Underlying the right to human dignity is the recognition that man is a free entity, who develops his person and his abilities as he wishes in the society in which he lives; at the centre of human dignity is the sanctity of human life and liberty. Underlying human dignity are the autonomy of the individual will, freedom of choice and freedom of action of the person as a free entity. Human dignity is based on the recognition of the physical and spiritual integrity of man, his humanity, his value as a human being, all of which irrespective of the extent of his usefulness’ (Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51], at para. 35 of my opinion; see also HCJ 5688/92 Wechselbaum v. Minister of Defence [52], at p. 827; HCJ 7015/94 Attorney-General v. A [23], at p. 95; HCJ 4330/93 Ganem v. Tel-Aviv District Committee, Bar Association [53], at p. 233; HCJ 205/94 Nof v. Ministry of Defence [54], at p. 457 {9}; Daaka v. Carmel Hospital [47], at p. 577 {463}; Gamzu v. Yeshayahu [48], at p. 375; HCJ 7357/95 Barki Feta Humphries (Israel) Ltd v. State of Israel [55], at p. 783; Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [12], at p. 518; CA 5942/92 A v. B [56], at p. 842; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6], at p. 561; Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of Finance [49]; HCJ 3512/04 Shezifi v. National Labour Court [57]).

This conception of the right to dignity is based on the conception that the right to dignity ‘should not be restricted merely to torture and degradation, since thereby we will miss the purpose underlying it. We should not extend it to include every human right, since thereby we will make redundant all the other human rights provided in the Basic Laws’ (Man, Nature and Law Israel Environmental Protection Society v. Prime Minister of Israel [12], at p. 518). This leads to the conclusion that the scope of the derivative rights deriving from the general right of human dignity will not always be identical to the scope of the derivative right had it been provided as an express and independent right in the Basic Law. I discussed this in Commitment to Peace and Social Justice Society v. Minister of Finance [49], where I said:

‘In deriving rights that are not mentioned expressly in the Basic Laws that speak of rights, but are included within the concept of human dignity, it is not always possible to comprehend the full scope that the “derivative” rights would have if they were independent rights… Deducing the rights implied by human dignity is therefore done from the viewpoint of human dignity, and in accordance with this perspective. This approach determines the scope of the implied rights. This is the case with regard to the implied civil rights… and it is also the case with regard to the implied social rights’ (ibid. [49], at p. 28).

Against this background the following question arises: is the right of the Israeli spouse to family life in Israel included within the right to human dignity provided in ss. 2 and 4 of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty?

32. The answer to this question is complex. Not all aspects of family life are derived from human dignity. We must focus on those aspects of family life that are incorporated within the scope of human dignity. The premise is that the family is a ‘constitutional unit’ (see CA 232/85 A v. Attorney-General [58], at p. 17). It is entitled to constitutional protection. This protection is found in the heart of the right to human dignity. It also relies on the right to privacy (see s. 7(a) of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty). Indeed, the right to live together as a family unit is a part of the right to human dignity. It falls within the scope of the essence of the right to dignity (see CA 5587/93 Nahmani v. Nahmani [59], at p. 499 {14}). One of the most basic elements of human dignity is the ability of a person to shape his family life in accordance with the autonomy of his free will, and to raise his children within that framework, with the constituents of the family unit living together. The family unit is a clear expression of a person’s self-realization. This was discussed by Justice D. Beinisch, who said:

‘In an era when “human dignity” is a protected constitutional basic right, we should give effect to the human aspiration to realize his personal existence, and for this reason we should respect his desire to belong to the family unit of which he regards himself to be a part’ (CA 7155/96 A v. Attorney-General [50]; see also CFH 6041/02 A v. B [60], at p. 256; CA 2266/93 A v. B [61]).

The family ties of a person are, to a large extent, the centre of his life (see Roberts v. United States Jaycees [186], at pp. 618-619). There are few decisions that shape and affect the life of a person as much as the decision as to the person with whom he will join his fate and with whom he will establish a family. This is also the case with regard to the right of parents to raise their children. ‘The law regards the relationship between a parent and his child as a natural right of constitutional dimensions’ (per Justice A. Procaccia in LCA 3009/02 A v. B [61], at p. 894); ‘the right of parents to have custody of their children and to raise them, with all that this implies, is a natural and basic constitutional right as an expression of the natural relation between parents and their children. This right is reflected in the privacy and autonomy of the family’ (per President M. Shamgar in CA 2266/93 A. v. B [61], at p. 235).

33. The right to family life enjoys constitutional protection in the internal law of many countries. It is provided as a constitutional right in the constitution of European countries, such as France (the preamble of the constitution of 1958), Ireland (article 41 of the Constitution of 1937), Spain (article 18 of the Constitution of 1978), Germany (article 6 of the Basic Law), Sweden (article 2 of the Constitution of 1975) and Switzerland (article 14 of the Constitution of 2000). Even in American law, notwithstanding the absence of an express right to family life in the constitution, the right to marry and to have a family life has been recognized as a constitutional right derived from the constitutional rights to liberty and privacy (see Griswold v. Connecticut [187]; Loving v. Virginia [188]; Lawrence v. Texas [189]). We should mention that the family also enjoys protection in international law (see article 16 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948; article 23 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; article 8 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms).

34. Thus we see that from human dignity, which is based on the autonomy of the individual to shape his life, we derive the derivative right of establishing the family unit and continuing to live together as one unit. Does this imply also the conclusion that realizing the constitutional right to live together also means the constitutional right to realize this in Israel? My answer to this question is that the constitutional right to establish a family unit means the right to establish the family unit in Israel. Indeed, the Israeli spouse has a constitutional right, which is derived from human dignity, to live with his foreign spouse in Israel and to raise his children in Israel. The constitutional right of a spouse to realize his family unit is, first and foremost, his right to do so in his own country. The right of an Israeli to family life means his right to realize it in Israel. In this regard, the remarks of Justice M. Cheshin in Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24] are apposite, and in view of their importance I will cite them once again:

‘The State of Israel recognizes the right of the citizen to choose for himself a spouse and to establish with that spouse a family in Israel. Israel is committed to protect the family unit in accordance with international conventions… and although these conventions do not stipulate one policy or another with regard to family reunifications, Israel has recognized — and continues to recognize — its duty to provide protection to the family unit also by giving permits for family reunifications. Thus Israel has joined the most enlightened nations that recognize — subject to qualifications of national security, public safety and public welfare — the right of family members to live together in the place of their choice’ (Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24], at p. 787).

Indeed, the constitutional right of the Israeli spouse — a right that derives from the nucleus of human dignity as a constitutional right — is ‘to live together in the place of their choice.’

35. The question of the relationship between human dignity as a constitutional right and the right to family life in general, and the right to realize this right by means of living together in a family unit in particular, arose in the case of Dawood v. Minister of Home Affairs [242]. The judgment was given by the Constitutional Court of South Africa. The constitution of South Africa (in article 10) includes an express right concerning human dignity (‘Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected’). The constitution does not include an express provision concerning the right to family life. An ‘ordinary’ statute (the Aliens Control Act 96 of 1991) imposed restrictions on the entry into South Africa of a foreign spouse of a South African citizen. The question arose whether the provisions of the statute violated the right to dignity. The Constitutional Court replied (unanimously) that it was. Justice O’Regan analyzed human dignity as a constitutional value and as a constitutional right, and went on to say:

‘The decision to enter into a marriage relationship and to sustain such a relationship is a matter of defining significance for many if not most people and to prohibit the establishment of such a relationship impairs the ability of the individual to achieve personal fulfillment in an aspect of life that is of central significance. In my view, such legislation would clearly constitute an infringement of the right to dignity. It is not only legislation that prohibits the right to form a marriage relationship that will constitute an infringement of the right to dignity, but any legislation that significantly impairs the ability of spouses to honour their obligations to one another would also limit that right. A central aspect of marriage is cohabitation, the right (and duty) to live together, and legislation that significantly impairs the ability of spouses to honour that obligation would also constitute a limitation of the right to dignity’ (Dawood v. Minister of Home Affairs [242]).

A year later, the question arose in South Africa whether a provision in the statute (the same Aliens Control Act), which provided that foreigners who want a work permit must submit their application while they are still outside South Africa, and which restricted the areas of professions for which a work permit may be requested, was constitutional. The High Court of South Africa, Cape of Good Hope Provincial Division, held that it was an unconstitutional provision, since it restricted the ability of spouses to live together, and therefore violated human dignity (Makinana v. Minister of Home Affairs [243]). The Constitutional Court confirmed this ruling unanimously (Booysen v. Minister of Home Affairs [244]).

36. The right to family reunification is also recognized as a component of the right to family life in international law and in the constitutional law of many countries. Thus, article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights was interpreted by the European Court of Human Rights as including the right of family members to live together, and therefore as imposing restrictions on the validity of the European Union’s policy in the field of immigration. It was held, in a long line of judgments, that decisions concerning immigration that harm the relationship between spouses or the relationship between a parent and his child are likely to violate rights under article 8 of the Convention (see, for example, Berrehab v. Netherlands [230]; Moustaquim v. Belgium [231]; Ciliz v. Netherlands [232]; Carpenter v. Secretary of State [233]).

37. Following the Treaty of Amsterdam (which came into force in 1999), issues of immigration were also transferred to the authority of the European Community. In consequence, the Council of the European Union issued a directive concerning immigration in 2003 (2003/86/EC), which binds all the member states of the Union (except for Denmark, the United Kingdom and Ireland, which were excluded from this directive). This directive is based, inter alia, on article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and provides in the preamble that: ‘Family reunification is a necessary way of making family life possible.’ It grants a broad right to the reunification of families for all citizens of the European Union, whether the foreign spouse is a citizen of a member state in the Union or not (see mainly para. 5 of the preamble, articles 2 and 3, and art. 7 which provides a right of family reunification, on the conditions provided there).

38. The right to family reunification is also regarded as an element in the constitutional right to family life in the internal law of many countries. Thus, in 1978, the Conseil d’État in France ruled that an immigration policy that violated the right of citizens of France to live in their country together with their spouse was unconstitutional, since it violated the undertaking of the State, which is provided in the preamble to the Constitution of 1946, to act in order to promote and develop the family (Arrêt GISTI (C.E.) of 8 December 1978). The Constitutional Court (Conseil Constitutionnel) followed this ruling and even extended it. It was held that the constitutional right to family reunification extended also to persons who had a right of residency in France:

‘Considérant que le dixième alinéa du préambule de la Constitution de 1946 dispose que: “La Nation assure à l’individu et à la famille les conditions nécessaires à leur développement”;

Considérant qu’il résulte de cette disposition que les étrangers dont la résidence en France est stable et régulière ont, comme les nationaux, le droit de mener une vie familiale normale ; que ce droit comporte en particulier la faculté pour ces étrangers de faire venir auprès d’eux leurs conjoints et leurs enfants mineurs sous réserve de restrictions tenant à la sauvegarde de l’ordre public et à la protection de la santé publique lesquelles revêtent le caractère d’objectifs de valeur constitutionnelle;…’ (Décision n° 93-325 DC du 13 août 1993).

‘The tenth paragraph of the Preamble to the 1946 Constitution states that: “The Nation shall provide the individual and the family with the conditions necessary to their development;”

As a result of this provision aliens who have resided ordinarily and legally in France have the right to lead a normal family life in the same way as French nationals; this right specifically allows these aliens to send for their spouses and children who are minors on condition of restrictions relating to preserving public order and protecting public health which are constitutional objectives;…’ (Decision 93-325 DC of 13 August 1993).

The right to family reunification has also been recognized in German law as an element of the constitutional protection to the institution of the family that is enshrined in article 6 of the German Basic Law. It has been held that the right to family life does not mean merely the right of each individual to marry, but also the right of the married spouses to have a family life, to live together and to raise their children. For this reason, the constitutional right to family life extends also to the foreign spouse of a German citizen:

‘Denn es gibt im Hinblick auf Ehepartner und Familienangehörige nur eine einheitliche Ehe oder Familie. Dem Leitbild der Einheit von Ehe und Familie und der durch Art. 3 Abs. 2 GG verbürgten Gleichberechtigung der Ehegatten liefe es im Kern zuwider, wenn der Schutzbereich des Art. 6 Abs. 1 GG in persönlicher Hinsicht gegenüber einem dem sachlichen Schutzbereich der Norm unterfallenden Hoheitsakt materiellwie verfahrensrechtlich auf ein bestimmtes Ehe oder Familienmitglied beschränkt bliebe.’

‘With respect to spouses and family members, there is only one joint marriage or family. It would be contrary to the essence of the ideal of unity of marriage and family and the equal rights of spouses set down in Art. 3(2) of the Basic Law if the scope of protection afforded by Art. 6(1) were to be substantively and procedurally restricted to a certain marital partner or family member with regard to a sovereign act falling within the norm’s material scope of protection’ (BVerfGE 76, 1 [238]).

The same is the case in the Republic of Ireland, where it was held that the constitutional right of a minor who is a citizen of Ireland to family life may render the state liable to provide permanent residency or citizenship to his parents, even if they entered Ireland unlawfully and they are staying there unlawfully. Justice Finlay wrote:

‘… there can be no question but that those children, as citizens, have got a constitutional right to the company, care and parentage of their parents within a family unit. I am also satisfied that prima facie and subject to the exigencies of the common good that that is a right which these citizens would be entitled to exercise within the State’ (Fajujonu v. Minister of Justice [1990] 2 IR 151; see also S. Mullally, ‘Citizenship and Family Life in Ireland: Asking the Question “Who Belongs?”,’ 25 Legal Studies, The Journal of the Society of Legal Scholars, vol. 25, (2005), 578).

In the United States it has also been held that the right to family reunification is protected within the framework of the constitutional protection given to the right to family life. This subject arose in Fiallo v. Bell [190]. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 that was in force at that time enshrined the right of United States citizens and residents to family reunification. It was provided, inter alia, that United States citizens or residents were entitled to bring their foreign spouses and children into the country. ‘Child’ for the purpose of this law was defined as a legitimate child, step-child or adopted child. In addition, the law allowed an illegitimate child to be brought into the country for the purpose of his reunification with his American mother. No similar right of the father of such a child was recognized. It was alleged that this law was unconstitutional. The Supreme Court accepted the position that a violation of the right of family reunification was a violation of a protected constitutional right, and therefore the statute under consideration was, in principle, subject to judicial scrutiny. Opinions differed as to the question of the level of scrutiny. The majority opinion was that the proper level in this case was the lowest level (rational basis). On this basis, the majority justices held that the statute was constitutional. Justices Marshall, Brennan and White, in the minority, held that the level of judicial scrutiny for the violation of the right to family unity was the most strict level (strict scrutiny), which was applied in cases where a basic constitutional right was violated. On this basis, the minority held that the arrangement was unconstitutional, since it violated the constitutional right of the citizens and residents of the Unites States to equality and family life, in that the right of fathers to be reunited with their (illegitimate) children was denied, whereas such a right was given to mothers. Justice Marshall wrote:

‘…the statute interferes with the fundamental “freedom of personal choice in matters of marriage and family life” … The right to live together as a family belongs to both the child who seeks to bring in his or her father and the father who seeks the entrance of his child’ (Fiallo v. Bell [190] , at p. 810). See also J. Guendelsberger, ‘Implementing Family Unification Rights in American Immigration Law: Proposed Amendments,’ 25 San Diego L. Rev. 253 (1988)).

In summary, we have seen that the right to family life is not merely a basic right in common law, but a constitutional right enshrined in the right to human dignity.

(b) The right to equality as a part of human dignity

39. The right to equality was always an integral part of our common law. The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty did not include an express provision with regard to equality. In the past the question arose whether it is possible to derive the right to equality from the general right to human dignity. On this question, various opinions were expressed in case law and legal literature (see HCJ 5394/92 Hoppert v. Yad VaShem Holocaust Martyrs and Heroes Memorial Authority [62]; CA 105/92 Re’em Contracting Engineers Ltd v. Upper Nazareth Municipality [63], at p. 201; Nof v. Ministry of Defence [54], at p. 460 {13}; HCJ 726/94 Klal Insurance Co. Ltd v. Minister of Finance [64], at p. 461; HCJ 721/94 El-Al Israel Airlines Ltd v. Danielowitz [65]; HCJ 453/94 Israel Women’s Network v. Government of Israel [66]; HCJ 4541/94 Miller v. Minister of Defence [67]; HCJ 4806/94 D.S.A. Environmental Quality Ltd v. Minister of Finance [68], at p. 204; HCJ 1074/93 Attorney-General v. National Labour Court [69]; Local Government Centre v. Knesset [31], at p. 485; HCJ 1113/99 Adalah Legal Centre for Arab Minority Rights in Israel v. Minister of Religious Affairs [39]; see also Y. Karp, ‘Basic Law: Human Dignity and Freedom — A Biography of Power Struggles’, 1 Law and Government, 1992, 323, at pp. 347-351; Sumer, ‘Unmentioned Rights — On the Scope of the Constitutional Revolution,’ supra; L. Shelef, ‘Two Models for Guaranteeing Human Rights — American Model versus possible Israeli Model,’ 16 Mehkarei Mishpat 105 (5761), at p. 138; Rubinstein & Medina, The Constitutional Law of the State of Israel, supra, at p. 921; Cohn, ‘The Values of a Jewish and Democratic State: Studies in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty,’ supra; Karp, ‘Several Questions on Human Dignity under the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty,’ supra, at p. 145; D. Dorner, ‘Between Equality and Human Dignity,’ Shamgar Book (Articles, vol. 1, 2003) 9). This dispute was decided by the Supreme Court in Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51], at para. 40 of my opinion. It was held that the right to human dignity includes the right to equality, in so far as this right is closely and objectively connected with human dignity (see ibid [51], at para. 33). It should be noted that the right to equality is not an ‘implied’ constitutional right: it is not recognized outside the rights expressly provided in the Basic Law. The right to equality is an integral part of the right to human dignity. Recognition of the constitutional aspect of equality derives from the constitutional interpretation of the right to human dignity. This right to human dignity is expressly recognized in the Basic Law. Notwithstanding, not all aspects of equality that would have been included, had it been recognized as an independent right that stands on its own, are included within the framework of human dignity. Only those aspects of equality that are closely and objectively connected to human dignity are included within the framework of the right to human dignity.

40. Does the right of the Israeli spouse to have a family unit in Israel, by virtue of equality with the right of other Israeli couples to have a family unit in Israel, constitute a part of the right of the Israeli spouse to human dignity? The answer is yes. Both the protection of the family unit in Israel, and the protection of the equality of this family unit with the family units of other Israeli couples, fall within the essence of human dignity. The prohibition of discrimination against one spouse with regard to having his family unit in Israel as compared with another spouse is a part of the protection of the human dignity of the spouse who suffers that discrimination.

E.  Does the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violate a constitutional right?

(1) The problem

41. The right to human dignity grants every Israeli spouse a constitutional right to have his family life in Israel, thereby enjoying equality with other Israeli spouses. Does the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violate this right of the Israeli spouse? The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty provides that ‘One may not violate a person’s dignity in as much as he is a human being’ (s. 2). Only if the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates human dignity does a constitutional question arise in this case. Against this background, the question is whether the right of the Israeli spouse to family life is violated by the provisions of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and whether this law violates the right of the Israeli spouse to equality. Let us examine each of the questions separately.

(2) The violation of the right to family life

(a) The injury to the Israeli spouse

42. Human dignity as a constitutional right extends to the right of an Israeli to establish a family unit and realize it in Israel. Does the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violate this right? Certainly the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law does not prevent the Israeli spouse from marrying the spouse in the territories. The freedom to marry is maintained. Moreover, usually the Israeli spouse is not prevented from moving to the territories (‘Every person is free to leave Israel:’ s. 6(a) of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty). Thus he is entitled, of course, to realize his right to have the family unit outside Israel. I assume — without having had all the details submitted to us in this regard — that in most cases the Israeli spouse will receive a permit from the military commander to enter the territories. With regard to the Palestinian authorities, we have not been told that they present any difficulties in this regard. It follows that the main question before us is the question of realizing the life of the family unit in Israel. It concerns s. 2 of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, which states:

‘2.      As long as this law is valid, notwithstanding what is stated in any law including section 7 of the Citizenship Law, the Minister of the Interior shall not grant citizenship under the Citizenship Law to a resident of an area nor shall he give him a licence to reside in Israel under the Entry into Israel Law, and the area commander shall not give a resident as aforesaid a permit to stay in Israel under the security legislation in the area.’

Does this section violate the constitutional right of the Israeli spouse to have a family life and to realize it in Israel?

43. My answer to this question is yes. The right of the spouse to form a family unit is seriously violated if he is not allowed to form this family unit in Israel. The right to have the family unit is the right to realize the family unit in the country of the Israeli spouse. That is where his home is, that is where the rest of his family is, that is where his community is. That is where his historical, cultural and social roots are. The family unit does not exist in a vacuum. It lives in a specific time and place. The law violates this right. Indeed, it is the right of the Israeli spouse that his family should live with him in Israel; it is his right to plant the family roots in the soil of his country; it is his right that his child will grow up, be educated and become an Israeli in Israel. In Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24] the Supreme Court did not say to Israel Stamka: ‘Why are you complaining? Your right to have a family unit with your non-Jewish wife can be realized in the country of the wife.’ The court recognized the right of ‘family members to live together in the place of their choice’ (ibid. [24], at p. 787). That is how a civilized state behaves. This right is violated by the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law. Indeed, s. 2 of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates the right of the Israeli spouse to realize his family life in Israel. When the foreign spouse is in the territories, he is prevented from entering Israel. The area commander is not authorized to give the spouse a permit to stay in Israel. The Minister of the Interior is not authorized to give him a licence to enter Israel. None go out and none come in. The family unit is injured.

(b) The injury to the Israeli minor

44. A similar injury befalls the child of the Israeli spouse, in so far as he is himself an Israeli (i.e., that his Israeli parent is a citizen or resident, and the minor lives with him). This minor cannot live with his second parent in Israel. He must decide to remain with his Israeli parent in Israel or to go to his other parent in the territories. This is a heartrending decision according to everyone, and it seriously injures the Israeli minor. It also injures the Israeli parent. If the minor is not Israeli and he is living with one of his parents in the territories, the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law recognizes (see s. 3A of the law) the possibility of giving him — but not the parent with whom the minor lives in the territories — a permit to enter and a licence to stay in Israel (while distinguishing between minors up to the age of 14 and minors over the age of 14). Even in this case a heartrending decision must be made, which is based on the assumption that the family unit does not live together in Israel.

45. Thus we see that the right of the Israeli spouse and the Israeli child to realize family life in Israel with the foreign spouse is violated. Their right to dignity is violated. In view of these violations caused by the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law to the human dignity of the Israeli spouse, we must turn to the second stage of constitutional scrutiny, which is the stage of the limitations clause. Before we do so, let us consider whether the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates an additional aspect of human dignity, namely the right of the Israeli spouse to equality. Let us turn now to examine this question.

(3) The violation of the right to equality

(a) The nature of the violation

46. Human dignity as a constitutional right also extends to the right of the Israeli spouse to equality. Does the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violate this aspect of human dignity? My answer to this question is yes. The law violates the ability of Israelis who marry spouses who are Palestinians living in the territories to realize their right to family life in Israel. Who are these Israelis? The vast majority of the Israelis who marry Palestinians living in the territories are Arabs who are citizens or residents of Israel. The focus of the violation caused by the law is therefore Israeli Arabs. Admittedly, Israelis who are not Arabs are also not allowed to live in Israel together with Palestinian spouses who are residents of the territories. But the number of these is negligible. The conclusion is that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law de facto restricts the right of Israeli Arabs, and only Israeli Arabs, to realize their right to family life. The number of these cases is many thousands. From the figures given to us it appears that between 1993-2001, before the government adopted the new policy (on 15 February 2002) and before the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law was originally enacted (on 6 August 2003), more than sixteen thousand applications for family reunifications with Arab spouses from the territories were granted in the sense that the spouses from the territories received permits to stay or licences to live in Israel. This is a significant percentage of all the Arab spouses who married in Israel in those years. My conclusion is, therefore, that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law results in depriving thousands of Arabs — and only Arabs — who are citizens of Israel of the possibility of realizing their right to family life. A law that has this result is a discriminatory law. A law that causes an injury that focuses almost exclusively on the Arab citizens of Israel violates equality.

(b) Prohibited discrimination or permitted distinction

47. Against this argument, the State raises two lines of defence. The first line of the State’s defence is the argument that the difference in the outcome between the Jewish Israeli couple and the Arab Israeli couple is not prohibited discrimination but a permitted distinction. This argument is based on the classic (Aristotelian) definition of discrimination. According to this, prohibited discrimination is treating equals differently and treating persons who are different equally (see HCJ 678/88 Kefar Veradim v. Minister of Finance [70], at p. 507). According to this approach, equality is explained on the basis of a conception of relevance. This was discussed by Justice S. Agranat:

‘In this context, the concept of “equality” therefore means “relevant equality,” and it requires, with regard to the purpose under discussion, “equality of treatment” for those persons in this state. By contrast, it will be a permitted distinction if the different treatment of different persons derives from their being, for the purpose of the treatment, in a state of relevant inequality, just as it will be discrimination if it derives from their being in a state of inequality that is not relevant to the purpose of the treatment’ (FH 10/69 Boronovski v. Chief Rabbis [71], at p. 35).

According to this approach, equality does not require identical treatment. Not every distinction constitutes discrimination. ‘Equality between persons who are not equal is sometimes merely an absurdity’ (Justice T. Or in Avitan v. Israel Land Administration [37], at p. 299). Sometimes, ‘in order to achieve equality, one must act by treating people differently’ (HCJ 246/81 Derech Eretz Association v. Broadcasting Authority [72], at p. 11 {30}); ‘discrimination is, of course, a distinction between persons or between matters for irrelevant reasons’ (Justice M. Cheshin in HCJ 6051/95 Recanat v. National Labour Court [73], at p. 311). Indeed, ‘the principle of equality does not rule out different laws for different people. The principle of equality demands that the existence of a law that makes distinctions is justified by the type and nature of the matter. The principle of equality assumes the existence of objective reasons that justify a difference’ (HCJ 1703/92 C.A.L. Freight Airlines Ltd v. Prime Minister [74], at p. 236; see also El-Al Israel Airlines Ltd v. Danielowitz [65], at p. 779 {519}).

48. Against the background of this classic definition of equality, the state argues that the law’s violation only of the right of Israeli Arab spouses to family life is based on a relevant difference. This difference is that only the Arab Israeli spouses wish to bring into Israel spouses who constitute a security risk, when they request to bring into Israel their Arab spouses from the territories. According to the State, ‘there is an objective justification that is based on the professional assessment of the security establishment concerning the risk to Israeli citizens and residents in view of the patterns of how residents of the territories have become residents in Israel by virtue of marriage during the active armed conflict (para. 56 of the closing arguments of February 2006).

49. Indeed, the law would support the state if the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law provided that an Israeli spouse (whether Jewish or Arab) is not entitled to realize family life in Israel where the foreign spouse presents a security risk. In such a case, a difference would be created, de facto, between the Jewish-Israeli spouses (whose right to realize married life would not be violated by the law) and the Arab Israeli spouses (who would be prevented from realizing their married life in Israel with their Arab spouses from the territories who constitute a security risk). Notwithstanding, this difference would be relevant to achieving the purpose underlying the arrangement.

50. The provisions of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law say otherwise. The law does not prohibit the entry into Israel of a spouse who presents a danger to security. The law prohibits the entry into Israel of every Palestinian spouse from the territories, whether he presents a security danger or not. The State did not argue before us that of the sixteen thousand spouses from the territories who entered Israel in order to realize family life in Israel, all or most or even a significant number constitute a security risk. The State argued before us that the number of spouses who constitute a security risk and who are known to the State is small. It is clear, therefore, that even according to the State’s argument, most of the spouses from the territories, whose entry into Israel is being requested by their Israeli spouses, do not constitute a security risk. The distinction on which the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is based is therefore not the distinction between the Israeli spouses who wish to bring into Israel foreign spouses that constitute a security risk and Israeli spouses who wish to bring into Israel foreign spouses who do not constitute a security risk. Such a distinction — even if in practice it leads to an outcome that distinguishes between Jewish Israeli spouses and Arab Israeli spouses — is relevant, and its consequences do not involve a violation of equality (discrimination). But the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is based on a different distinction, and that is the distinction between foreign spouses of Israelis who are Palestinian residents of the territories, and foreign spouses of Israelis who are not. This distinction is not based on the security risk presented by the Palestinian spouse from the area, since even if there is no information with regard to the risk that he presents, and even were it proved de facto that he presents no danger, his entry into Israel is prohibited. My conclusion is, therefore, that the serious violation of the realization of the right of Israeli Arab spouses — and them alone — caused by the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is not based on a relevant distinction.

(c) The violation of equality in the absence of an intention to discriminate

51. The state’s second line of defence is the argument that the purpose of the law was not to discriminate between Jewish-Israeli spouses and Arab-Israeli spouses. The purpose of the law is merely a security one. It was not designed to create a difference between Jewish-Israeli spouses and Arab-Israeli spouses. This argument cannot stand. We accept that the purpose of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is a security one, and that it does not conceal any intention to discriminate against the Arab-Israeli spouse as compared with the Jewish-Israeli spouse. Notwithstanding, the absence of an intention to discriminate has no effect on the existence of the discrimination. Indeed, it is an established case law principle with regard to the rules of equality that the violation of equality (or discrimination) is not examined merely in accordance with the purpose of the allegedly discriminatory norm. According to the law accepted in Israel, the violation of equality (or discrimination) is examined also according to the unintended impact resulting from it (see Nevo v. National Labour Court [33], at p. 759 {149}; El-Al Israel Airlines Ltd v. Danielowitz [65], at p. 759 {487}). A golden thread that runs through the case law of the Supreme Court is the outlook that ‘discrimination is wrong even when there is no intention to discriminate’ (Justice E. Mazza in Israel Women’s Network v. Government of Israel [66], at 524 {450}); ‘the principle of equality looks to the outcome; no matter how pure and innocent a person’s intention, if the outcome resulting from his action is a discriminatory outcome, his act will be declared void ab initio’ (Justice M. Cheshin in Israel Women’s Network v. Minister of Labour and Social Affairs [35], at p. 654; see also Nof v. Ministry of Defence [54], at p. 463 {19}; Miller v. Minister of Defence [67], at p. 116 {200}); ‘the question is not merely what is the motivation of the decision-makers; the question is also what is the outcome of the decision. The decision is improper, not only when the motivation is to violate equality, but also when there is another motivation, but equality is violated de facto’ (Poraz v. Mayor of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa [32], at p. 333). I discussed in one case, where I said:

‘The existence or absence of discrimination is determined, inter alia, in accordance with the effect that a piece of legislation achieves de facto… Therefore a law whose wording is “neutral” may be discriminatory if its effect is discriminatory. Indeed, discrimination may be unintentional… Even if the purpose of a legal norm is not to create discrimination, if discrimination is created de facto, the norm is tainted with discrimination’ (HCJ 1000/92 Bavli v. Great Rabbinical Court [75], at pp. 241-242; see also Kadan v. Israel Land Administration [38], at p. 279).

In Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister [41] I added:

‘… prohibited discrimination may also occur without any discriminatory intention or motive on the part of the persons creating the discriminatory norm. Where discrimination is concerned, the discriminatory outcome is sufficient. When the implementation of the norm created by the authority, which may have been formulated without any discriminatory intent, leads to a result that is unequal and discriminatory, the norm is likely to be set aside because of the discrimination that taints it. Discrimination is not determined solely according to thought and intention of the creator of the discriminatory norm. It is determined also in accordance with the effect that it has de facto… The test for the existence of discrimination is an objective test that focuses on the outcome of realizing the norm that is under scrutiny. It is not limited to the subjective thinking of the creator of the norm. The question is not whether there is an intention to discriminate against one group or another. The question is what is the final outcome that is created in terms of the social reality’ (ibid. [41], at para. 18 of my opinion).

In the case before us, the impact of the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is solely to restrict the right of Arab citizens and residents of Israel to family life. This is a discriminatory outcome. This discrimination is not based on a relevant distinction. If we accept it, ‘we will carry out a serious act of discrimination, and we see no proper purpose for the act’ (per Justice M. Cheshin in Stamka v. Minister of Interior [24], at p. 759; see also the remarks of Justice A. Procaccia in HCJ 2597/99 Rodriguez-Tushbeim v. Minister of Interior [76], at pp. 450-451). The conclusion is that the law violates the constitutional right to equality.

(d) Lawful violation of equality

52. Naturally, the discriminatory result vis-à-vis the Arab-Israeli spouse that is caused by the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law does not automatically lead to the conclusion that the law is unconstitutional. There are many constitutional violations of rights protected under the Basic Laws. This constitutionality exists notwithstanding the violation of human rights. It becomes possible by satisfying the conditions of the limitations clause. This is the law with regard to all human rights. It is also the law with regard to the right to realize family life in Israel. It is also the law with regard to the right to equality. Not every violation of equality — i.e., not every act of discrimination — is unconstitutional. There are constitutional acts of discrimination. These are those acts of discrimination that satisfy the requirements of the limitations clause. I discussed this in one case:

‘Within the sphere of the right to equality, the sole distinction is no longer between equality or a distinction (which are lawful) and discrimination (which is unlawful). Now we must distinguish between the right of equality and the constitutional possibility of violating this right when the requirements of the limitations clause are satisfied. In such circumstances, the executive act is discriminatory: it does not involve a distinction and it violates equality. Notwithstanding, the discrimination is proper, because it befits the values of the State, it is for a proper purpose, and the violation of equality is not excessive’ (HCJ 3434/96 Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [77], at p. 67).

And in another case I added:

the right to equality, like all other human rights, is not an “absolute” right. It is of a “relative” nature. This relativity is reflected in the possibility of violating it lawfully, if the conditions of the limitations clause are satisfied’ (Supreme Monitoring Committee for Arab Affairs in Israel v. Prime Minister [41], at para. 22 of my opinion).

Thus we see that the response of the state with regard to the security risk presented by the foreign spouse who wishes to realize his family unit with the Arab-Israeli spouse is a response that is not capable of ridding the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law of its discriminatory nature. The law violates the right of the Arab-Israeli spouse to equality. Notwithstanding, the state can still make the argument that this violation of equality — as well as the violation of the right of the Israeli spouse to realize his family life in Israel — is constitutional, since it satisfies the requirements of the limitations clause. Nonetheless, we ought to understand the effect and ‘geometric’ position of the state’s argument. Its effect is not to rid the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law of its discriminatory nature. Its position in the first stage of the constitutional scrutiny is therefore ineffective. Despite this, the state may still make the argument — the validity of which we must examine — that this discrimination is lawful, since it satisfies the requirements of the limitations clause. The proper position of this claim is in the second stage of the constitutional scrutiny. Let us now turn to this scrutiny, both with regard to the violation of the right of the Israeli spouse to realize his family life in Israel, and with regard to the violation of his right to equality.

F. Stages of the constitutional scrutiny: 2. Is the violation of the constitutional right lawful?

(1) The purpose, importance and elements of the limitations clause

(a) The transition from the stage of the violation of the right to the stage of justifying the violation       

53. We have reached the conclusion that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law violates the human dignity of the Israeli spouses. This violation is two-fold. First, the law violates the right of the Israeli spouse to realize his family life in Israel; second, the law violates the right of the Arab-Israeli spouse to realize his right to family life in Israel by virtue of the principle of equality. This conclusion is serious, but it is not fatal to the validity of the law. It does not follow from it that the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law is not constitutional. Notwithstanding, the constitutionality of the law is in doubt, since a constitutional human right is violated. Now we must turn to the justification stage. It must be shown that the violation of the constitutional right is lawful. We have found that it is not possible to stop the constitutional scrutiny at the first stage (has a constitutional right been violated?), and we must turn to the second stage of constitutional scrutiny (is the breach of the right lawful?). Indeed, there are many laws that violate constitutional human rights, without being unconstitutional (see Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14], at para. 11 of the judgment). This is because there are constitutional reasons that justify the violation. These reasons are enshrined in the limitations clauses. Some of these clauses are enshrined in the express language of the Basic Law, and some are the product of case law (see Hoffnung v. Knesset Speaker [77], at pp. 70, 75, 76; EA 92/03 Mofaz v. Chairman of the Central Elections Committee for the Sixteenth Knesset [78], at p. 811; see also the decision in LCA 9041/05 Imrei Hayyim Registered Society v. Wiesel [79]). Moreover, usually the right does not include its own special limitations clause. In such circumstances, that right will be subject to the general limitations clause that provides the conditions for a violation of all the provisions in that Basic Law, whether it is a statutory limitations clause or a judicial limitations clause (see A. Barak, A Judge in a Democracy (2004), at p. 350). But sometimes a specific limitations clause is provided, and this stipulates the conditions for the violation of a specific right or constitutional provision. In these circumstances, the right or constitutional provision is subject to several limitations clauses simultaneously. This is the case because a violation of a right of this kind requires both the conditions of the specific limitations clause and the conditions of the general limitations clause to be satisfied. In the petitions before us, what is relevant is the general limitations clause provided in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. Let us now move on to an examination of this.

(b) The general limitations clause in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty

54. The general limitations clause in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty is provided in s. 8 of the Basic Law:

‘Violation of rights

8.         The rights under this Basic Law may only be violated by a law that befits the values of the State of Israel, is intended for a proper purpose, and to an extent that is not excessive, or in accordance with a law as aforesaid by virtue of an express authorization therein.’

Similar provisions exist in comparative law (see s. 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; s. 36 of the Constitution of South Africa; art. 29 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights). A limitations clause has a two-fold purpose: on the one hand, it guarantees that the human rights provided in the Basic Law may only be violated when the conditions provided therein are satisfied. On the other hand, it guarantees that if the conditions provided therein are satisfied, the violation of the human rights provided therein is constitutional (see Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14], at para. 11 of the judgment; HCJ 9333/03 Kaniel v. Government of Israel [80], at p. 17; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6], at p. 545).

(c) The centrality of the limitations clause in the constitutional structure

55. The limitations clause is a central element in our constitutional structure (see D.M. Beatty, The Ultimate Rule of Law (2004)). It reflects the idea that the constitutional validity of human rights is based on an overall balance between the rights of the individual and the needs of society as a whole (United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 433; Israel Investment Managers Association v. Minister of Finance [8], at p. 384; Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14], at para. 11 of the judgment). ‘It is the foothold on which the constitutional balance between society as a whole and the individual is based’ (Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51], at para. 45 of my opinion). The limitations clause reflects the idea that human rights are not absolute; that they are relative; that it is possible to violate the right of one individual in order to uphold the right of another individual; that it is possible to violate the right of the individual in order to uphold a right belonging to society as a whole. This was discussed by my colleague, Justice A. Procaccia:

‘The limitations clause reflects a balance between the constitutional interests reflected in the basic rights and the needs reflected in the legislation under scrutiny. The basic rights, even though they are supreme rights of a constitutional nature, are not absolute, but they arise from a reality that requires balances to be struck between the duty to uphold important rights of the individual and the need to provide a solution to other worthy interests, whether of an individual or of the public. Finding a harmonious arrangement between all these interests is a condition for a proper social life and for preserving a proper constitutional system… the limitations clause is intended to delineate the boundaries within which primary legislation of the Knesset can be enacted even where it contains a violation of human rights, provided that this violation is found in the proper sphere of the balances between the protection of the right and the need to achieve other important purposes that are involved in violating it’ (LCA 3145/99 Bank Leumi of Israel Ltd v. Hazan [81], at p. 405).

Indeed, ‘the existence of human rights assumes the existence of society and the existence of restrictions on the free will of the individual’ (Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51], at para. 45 of my opinion).

56. The Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty gives a constitutional status to several rights. They are defined in broad terms. Their wording is open. The scope of the application of each one of the rights is not unlimited. The boundaries of each right will be determined in accordance with its constitutional interpretation. This interpretation will determine the boundary between the various rights. It will also determine the areas where several constitutional rights apply and the relationship between them. A change in the scope of application of the constitutional rights requires a constitutional change. It is possible to do this only by means of a Basic Law (see United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 407; HCJ 4676/94 Meatreal Ltd v. Knesset [82], at p. 27; HCJ 212/03 Herut National Movement v. Chairman of Central Elections Committee [83], at pp. 755-756; HCJ 1384/98 Avni v. Prime Minister [84]). In all of these the limitations clause has no application. It does not determine the scope of the constitutional rights. Its role is different. It constitutes a part of the Basic Laws themselves, and its status is constitutional. It is intended to uphold the constitutional validity of ordinary legislation that violates constitutional human rights. It is a constitutional umbrella that provides constitutional protection to ‘ordinary’ pieces of legislation that violate human rights. Indeed, the role of the limitations clause is not to be found in the realm of the scope of the constitutional right. The limitations clause does not give constitutional validity to ordinary legislation that seeks to change the scope of the constitutional right. Ordinary legislation cannot determine that a certain matter does not fall within the scope of the constitutional right. The limitations clause acts in a different sphere. Its field of operations is that of ordinary law (as opposed to constitutional law). Ordinary law cannot change human rights. Notwithstanding, this law includes a comprehensive set of laws that are created by the organs of the State. These laws sometimes realize human rights, and in doing so they violate other rights. Sometimes they are intended to achieve the interests of society as a whole, and in doing so they violate the rights of the individual. The limitations clause is intended to give constitutional validity to violations caused by the ordinary law to constitutional human rights. Thus it also determines the extent of the realization of constitutional human rights. Indeed, the role of the limitations clause is to determine the validity of ordinary legislation that violates human rights. The sphere of activity of the limitations clause is the scope of the constitutional right and the limits of its application. The activity of the limitations clause is the realization of the constitutional right by means of the ordinary laws and the degree to which it is protected.

57. The limitations clause is an integral part of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. The human right and the constitutionality of the violation of that right are derived from the Basic Law itself. Both the human rights and the limitations clause should be interpreted in accordance with the basic principles and basic purposes of the Basic Law (ss. 1 and 1A of the Basic Law). I discussed this in United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], where I said:

‘The constitutional right and its lawful violation derive from a common source… both the constitutional right and the limitation on it are subject to the basic principle on which the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty (s. 1) and its purposes (ss. 1A and 2) are built’ (ibid. [7], at p. 433).

Indeed, human rights and the possibility of violating them derive from the same source. They reflect the same values. Admittedly, human rights are not absolute. It is possible to restrict their realization. But there are limits to the restriction of the realization of human rights (see HCJ 164/97 Conterm Ltd v. Minister of Finance [85], at p. 347 {71}; Design 22 Shark Deluxe Furniture Ltd v. Director of Sabbath Work Permits Department, Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs [14], at para. 11; Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6], at p. 545). These limits are enshrined in the limitations clause.

58. The restrictions on the realization of constitutional human rights are of various kinds. One of the accepted and well-known kinds is national security and public safety. These are public interests that justify legislation that contains restrictions on human rights. ‘Indeed, security is a fundamental value in our society. Without security, it is not possible to protect human rights…’ (Justice D. Dorner in HCJ 5627/02 Saif v. Government Press Office [86], at p. 76 {197}). I discussed this in one case:

‘A constitution is not a recipe for suicide, and civil rights are not a platform for national destruction… civil rights derive nourishment from the existence of the State, and they should not become a means of bringing about its destruction’ (EA 2/84 Neiman v. Chairman of Elections Committee for Eleventh Knesset [87], at p. 310 {161}).

And in another case I said:

‘There is no alternative — in a freedom and security seeking democracy — to balancing liberty and dignity against security. Human rights must not become a tool for denying public and national security. We require a balance — a delicate and difficult balance — between the liberty and dignity of the individual and national security and public security’ (CrimFH 7048/97 A v. Minister of Defence [88], at 724; see also Ajuri v. IDF Commander in West Bank [1], at p. 383 {120}).

Indeed, ‘human rights are not a prescription for national destruction’ (Conterm Ltd v. Minister of Finance [85], at p. 347 {71}). ‘The needs of society and its national goals may allow a violation of human rights’ (Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6], at para. 59). It is possible to violate the right of an Arab-Israeli spouse to realize his family life in Israel, and it is possible to discriminate against him if security needs justify this. For this purpose, the law containing the violation must satisfy the conditions of the limitations clause. Let us now turn to examine these conditions.

(d) The conditions of the limitations clause

59. The limitations clause provides four conditions which must all be satisfied in order to allow a constitutional violation of a human right provided in the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. The four conditions are: (a) the violation of human rights should be enshrined ‘in a law… or in accordance with a law… by virtue of an express authorization therein;’ (b) the violating law should be one that ‘befits the values of the State of Israel;’ (c) the violating law should be ‘intended for a proper purpose;’ (d) the law should violate the constitutional human right ‘to an extent that is not excessive.’ Everyone agrees that the first condition is satisfied in the petitions before us. We have not heard any argument with regard to the second condition, and I will leave it undecided. Aspects of it will be considered within the framework of the third (‘proper purpose’) and fourth (‘to an extent that is not excessive’) conditions. These two conditions are interrelated. One provides the proper purpose, The other provides the proper means of achieving it. As long as we do not know what the purpose is and as long as it has not been established that the purpose is a proper one, we cannot know what are the proper means of realizing it. Let us now turn to each of these two conditions, and let us begin with ‘a proper purpose.’

(2) ‘Proper purpose’

(a) Determining the ‘purpose’

60. This condition of the limitations clause focuses on the purpose whose realization justifies a violation of the constitutional right. Therefore it is necessary to identify the ‘purpose’ of the legislation. It is also necessary to determine whether this ‘purpose’ is a ‘proper’ one. These actions are governed by normative criteria. They sometimes raise significant difficulties. Thus, for example, sometimes the question arises as to how to examine the purpose of a law that has several purposes. In this regard, it has been held that one should focus on the dominant purpose (see Menahem v. Minister of Transport [11], at p. 264). Serious problems also arise with regard to determining the level of abstraction of the purpose, where the law has several purposes at different levels of abstraction. Questions also arise with regard to the criteria for determining the purpose. The question is whether the purpose of a piece of legislation is only its subjective purpose, which focuses on the motive that underlies the legislation; or perhaps the ‘purpose’ of the legislation is only the objective purpose, which focuses on the purpose at the time of deciding the question of constitutionality; or perhaps the ‘purpose’ is determined — as it is with regard to the interpretation of legislation – in accordance with both its objective and subjective purpose together (see United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 435). These questions become more intense when a significant period of time has passed between the date of the legislation and the date of determining the constitutionality. The petitions before us do not require us to provide an answer to these questions, if only because of the short time that has passed between the date of enacting the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law and the date of determining its constitutionality.

(b) The ‘proper’ purpose

61. A law that violates a constitutional human right must be enacted for a ‘proper purpose.’ A purpose may be proper in various contexts. With regard to the limitations clause, whether a purpose is proper is examined within the context of the violation of human rights. I discussed this in one case where I said:

‘Examining the question whether the purpose is “proper” is done within the context of the violation of the human right that is protected in the Basic Law. The question that must be answered is whether it is possible to justify the violation of human rights with the proper purpose of the legislation… it follows that the legislation that violates human rights will satisfy the requirement concerning a “proper purpose” if the purpose of that legislation provides a sufficient justification for that violation of human rights’ (Gaza Coast Local Council v. Knesset [6], at para. 63 of the majority opinion).

(c) Characteristics of the proper purpose

62. What are the characteristics of the proper purpose? It has been held that the purpose of a law that violates human dignity is proper if it is intended to realize social purposes that are consistent with the values of the state as a whole, and that display sensitivity to the place of human rights in the overall social system (see Movement for Quality Government in Israel v. Knesset [51], at paras. 51 and 52 of my opinion, and also United Mizrahi Bank Ltd v. Migdal Cooperative Village [7], at p. 434;